The Address in Reply to the Speech from the Throne

This article traces the evolution of the address in reply to the speech from the throne, from its origins in the early 18th century, showing how it developed from a device for bringing about a community of interest between government and parliament while at the same time providing a focal point for rallying the opposition. It describes how the address became an echo of the speech, often drafted at the same time as the speech itself. Its management involved a good deal of organisation. The terms of the address had to be drafted, the movers and seconders selected and the terms communicated to government supporters. The meetings arranged for this purpose gradually became less exclusive to the point where they were superseded by dinners given by the leaders of the two Houses. In the course of time they were mirrored by dinners given by the leaders of the opposition who eventually managed to secure copies of the speech, thus assisting them to formulate amendments to the address. In the 19th century the procedure for considering the address was reformed with a view to curtailing debate but without success. While the address may have lost something of its symbolic significance, the debates to which it gives rise remain significant features in the timetables of both Houses.     

Response to Langdon Gilkey's Inaugural Address at the Niebuhr Society, 22 November 2003 in Atlanta

Abstract

After applauding Professor Gilkey for focusing attention on Reinhold Niebuhr's book, Moral Man and Immoral Society, I framed my response by setting forth seven salient elements of Niebuhr's political theory. After affirming Gilkey's portrayal of the differences between our contemporary situation and that which Niebuhr addressed in the 1930s, I focused on a third characteristic of Niebuhr's thought that Gilkey neglected to mention, namely, the impact of his thought on African-American activists in their struggle for racial justice in the United States. That impact mainly pertained to his perceptive analysis of power conflicts among social groups and especially the societal power of racism. Niebuhr's sensitivity to that problem was heightened during his ministry in Detroit and thereafter. Thus, Martin Luther King, Jr, his protégé, Jesse Jackson and many others came to view Niebuhr as a major source of inspiration for their struggle. But, in spite of Niebuhr's appreciation of Gandhi and his support of King's non-violent resistance approach, they disagreed about the moral value of pacifism. Most importantly, I join with another African-American scholar in pointing out Niebuhr's uncritical paternalistic assumptions about African Americans and their struggle.     

Politics and 'Black Tuesday': Shifting Power in the Cabinet and the Decision to Withdraw from East of Suez, November 1967-January 1968

On 16 January 1968, the Wilson government announced that theBritish would swiftly depart from what had long been consideredone of the country's most vital strategic assets—the eastof Suez network. Traditional scholarship maintains that thedecision was driven by economic scarcity and the jolts thatrepeated financial crises gave to the body politic. Whilst economicpressures were real, this essay utilizes newly released governmentrecords to argue that political concerns played an even moreimportant role. The rising political power of reformers suchas Chancellor Roy Jenkins and their coalition-building effortsin the Cabinet must be included in any compelling explanationof the east of Suez decision.     

The Duke's Parrot: The Earl of Leicester,the King's Children and the English Revolution

This article examines neglected evidence regarding the ongoing captivity of the children of Charles I, at the hands of the republican regime, long after the regicide in January 1649. While it is well known that the Long Parliament was anxious to attend to the education of the royal children, and to exert authority over their upbringing, and also that there were rumours during the 1640s about plans to install the youngest prince, the duke of Gloucester, on the throne in place of a deposed king, little attention has been paid to voluminous and intriguing evidence about their fate during the interregnum. The aim of this essay is to survey such sources, and to recover evidence of a political and parliamentary debate about the children's fate, not least in a situation where it was thought possible that they might provide a rallying point for royalists, and a security threat. That debates about their fate were protracted and convoluted is used to flesh out rather sketchy evidence – much commented upon by historians, but not taken very seriously – that there was an ongoing debate over a possible monarchical settlement until 1653.     

品位与职位——传统官僚等级制研究的一个新视角

现代官等级制有“品位分类’’和“职位分类”两种类型,前以官员的个人品级为中心,后则以职位所系权力责任为中心。作由此引申出了“品位分等”、“职位分等”概念,并通过秦汉禄秩等级和唐代武散阶的区别,说明了“品位一职位’’概念在传统官阶制研究中的分析价值;进而把它们与官僚“自利取向”、“服务取向”概念结合起来,从而为中国古代官僚等级制研究提供了一个新视角。