“二战”后琉球问题的处置与钓鱼岛问题的产生北大核心CSSCI

通过考察二战后琉球问题的处置过程,作者提出美国在琉球问题处置上经历了一个由"盟国共管"到"独自托管"的变化过程。1951年,在美国的操作下,美、英等国与日本签订了《旧金山和约》,将琉球群岛置于美国的托管之下。此后,美国擅自扩大托管范围,将中国的钓鱼岛及其附属岛屿纳入其托管范围,严重侵犯了中国的主权,为钓鱼岛争端埋下隐患。美国单方面"托管"琉球有违于《联合国宪章》中有关托管制度适用范围的规定,且未向联合国提出申请,严重违反了国际法的相关规定。     

美军称已瞄准近50个打击目标 叙8000“自杀烈士”严阵以待

美国及其一些西方盟国扬言军事打击叙利亚,如今似乎已进入倒计时。据8月底消息,美军6艘导弹驱逐舰和2艘航母已分别陈兵地中海和波斯湾。8月30日,美国赶在联合国调查小组前面,公布了情报部门对叙化学武器事件的评估结果,确认8月21日的化武袭击是叙政府军所为,显示美国确实要"绕过联合国",对叙利亚采取军事行动。8月31日,美国总统奥巴马     

参与构建战后国际货币金融秩序:中国与布雷顿森林会议

1944年7月1日至22日,包括中国在内的44国代表,在美国新罕布什尔州布雷顿森林小镇上举行了联合国家货币与金融会议(United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference),即著名的布雷顿森林会议(Bretton Woods Conference)。是时中国抗战正面战场局势十分严峻,内政和外交也颇多困难,但国民政府仍派代表参加布雷顿森林会议,为战后国际货币金融秩序的构建作出有益贡献的同时,确立了中国在国际货币基金和世界银行中的地位。中国围绕布雷顿森林会议开展的各项外交活动,也有助于缓和当时中美两国间的矛盾冲突,巩固与美国为代表的主要盟国的关系。     

赴美学习空军的经历

1943年,中、英、法三盟国为了加强空军力量对付日军,同美国签订了培养空军军士合同法案(苏联虽是盟国,空军力量强,但未参与签订)。蒋介石当时退居四川,也与美国签订了960名空军军士租借法案,主要培训通讯士和射击士。而领航员、飞行员须尉官以上,虽同时赴美学习,但不在此案之列。法案条约规定由中国出人力,美国负责培训,尔后统由美国指挥,对付日本空军势力。     

国军上校眼中的战后日本

坐B24轰炸机进驻日本 1945年9月2日,日本代表在东京湾美国“密苏里”号战列舰上签署投降书,至此,法西斯轴心国中最后一个国家日本正式投降.根据《波茨坦公告》,日本投降后应由盟国派遣占领军,在日本要地实行占领,以监督其解除武装(只保留警察武装)和降书的具体实施.美国以盟国总司令官名义,多次要求中国向日本派驻占领军.     

中英美关于盟军中国战区统辖范围的交涉(1942—1945)

1942年初,对日作战各盟国经过协商,成立统辖中国、泰国和越南的盟军中国战区。1943年秋,英国主导成立盟军东南亚战区,并试图“侵蚀”盟军中国战区的统辖区域。其后,围绕盟军中国战区的统辖范围,中英美三国断续交涉近两年。在此期间,除军事方面的考虑外,中英两国还非常重视维护和加强各自在泰国和越南的影响力。与中英两国不同,美国着重考虑中国战区统辖范围调整对军事方面的影响。日本投降前后,在美国的调停下,中国被迫将泰国和越南南部划出盟军中国战区。中、英、美三国之间的交涉,不仅改变了盟军中国战区的统辖范围,而且对盟国战后受降也产生了深远影响。     

肯尼迪政府阻挠中国重返联合国始末

肯尼迪政府阻挠中国重返联合国始末顾宁联合国成立至今已经整整５０年了。人们还清楚地记得,１９４９至１９７２年间,中华人民共和国一直被排斥在联合国之外。在这２０余年间,中国政府为恢复其在联合国的合法席位,曾同阻挠恢复中国席位的美国进行过长期、不屈不挠的斗...     

1958年中国从朝鲜撤军与中美外交交涉

1958年2月7日,中国宣布从朝鲜撤军。同时,围绕撤军和朝鲜统一问题,中国发动了一场对美外交攻势。在答复中国的撤军要求时,美国避开中国先撤军后统一的要求,要求中朝双方接受联合国有能力解决朝鲜问题的前提,并坚持在这个前提下实现朝鲜统一后,联合国军才撤出朝鲜。最终,美国借助自己在联合国的优势地位,实现了不从朝鲜半岛撤军的目标。     

冷战初期美国对华经济遏制政策探析

冷战初期,以朝鲜战争为界点,美国对中国的经济政策先后发生了巨大转变,其根本原因源于美国战略目标以及对国际局势的判断的变更。美国的政策不仅对中国,而且对本国以及美国与西方盟国的关系产生了巨大的消极影响。     

杜勒斯与美国的琉球政策(1950-1951)

如何处理琉球群岛,是美国战后对日和约中需要解决的主要问题之一。1950年4月,杜勒斯被杜鲁门总统任命为国务卿顾问,负责对日和约问题。当时,美国政府内部特别是军方和国务院之间对此存在争论和分歧。杜勒斯因应美国遏制共产主义发展的亚洲政策主要目标,与美国政府内部各方、美国各盟国、苏联、日本等折冲博弈,基本上界定了琉球政策的框架。为满足各方需求,杜勒斯创造了“剩余主权”这一全新概念,通过《旧金山和约》确保了在联合国托管的名义下,美国对北纬29度以南的琉球群岛进行排他性战略控制。同时,杜勒斯主导了《美日安保条约》《美澳新安全条约》《美菲共同防御条约》的形成,初步构建了美国在亚太地区以琉球群岛军事基地为核心的防卫体系。     

美国与联合国中国代表权问题

对致力于推动中美关系正常化的尼克松与基辛格而言,如何处理联合国中国代表权问题似乎颇为棘手。实际上,与北京改善关系是他们处理此问题的战略前提,如何避免美国国内保守阵营的攻击则是两人制定具体战术的出发点,至于蒋介石政权的反应则基本不在他们的考虑范围内。1971年中国成功恢复在联合国的合法席位,虽与尼克松政府的相关政策不无关系,但其根本原因则在于中国自身,即只要中国不发生内乱,任何力量都无法阻止其加入联合国的步伐。而只要北京不让步,台北当局被驱逐出联合国就是必然的结局。     

20世纪70年代初台湾当局对美“外交”与联合国中国代表权问题

1971年第26届联合国大会前一年内,在尼克松政府的要求和现实的压力下,台湾当局在联合国中国代表权问题上不断让步,但最终还是没能保住其在联合国的席位。在决策过程中,蒋介石表面上不断展示强硬立场,实质上却并非如此。他手下的高级"外交官"们为保住台湾当局在联合国的席位而倾向于妥协,但在威权体制下难于向蒋介石进言。     

1961年美蒋关于外蒙古联合国代表权问题的争论

20世纪60年代,国际社会支持中国恢复联合国席位的力量日益增加,为了阻止中国进入联合国,美国搬出外蒙古问题,企图通过让外蒙古进入联合国这一“迂回”手法,达到保护国民党席位的目的。在策划该计划的过程中,美蒋发生了激烈争吵。经过数轮讨价还价,美蒋最终达成妥协,从而为外蒙古进入联合国打开了方便之门。     

Localizing the Reynolds case: a comparison of two American military atrocities in the Far East in Cold War 1957

ABSTRACT

This paper’s main focus is the case of the killing of Chinese citizen Liu Ziran by the American soldier Robert G. Reynolds in Taipei on March 20, 1957. Following this unfortunate event, a United States court-martial was inappropriately held in Taiwan. Reynolds’ acquittal provoked a violent response from the Chinese people. The riot on May 24, 1957, is best interpreted within a framework of nationalism rather than Cold War discourse. That same year, in the Girard case, another American soldier killed a Japanese woman in Japan. Due to the unequal positions of Taiwan and Japan in US Cold War strategy, these two killings were handled differently and led to dissimilar reactions. Washington viewed Taipei as somewhat of a troublemaker rather than a reliable ally and expressed great suspicion of Chiang Kai-shek and his eldest son, Chiang Ching-kuo. The US government had already declined to support Chiang Kai-shek’s plan for parachute raids in China. Meanwhile, Chiang’s authoritarian regime created a hotbed for the outbreak of nationalism. The people of Taiwan experienced a “pawn complex” and, in the Reynolds case, gave vent to accumulated ideological and social pressures.     

中美关系史上一件"谜案"的历史考察 --"罗斯福下令史迪威除掉蒋介石之说"辨析

近年来,开罗会议期间罗斯福指令史迪威清除蒋介石的说法出现于国内许多论著中.本文从罗斯福对华政策、开罗会议期间罗斯福与蒋介石关系、美在华中国通对蒋介石的态度等方面对这一说法进行了辨析,指出开罗会议期间罗斯福指令史迪威干掉蒋介石的说法纯属子虚乌有.     

Chiang Kai-shek’s faith in Christianity: the trial of the Stilwell Incident

Chiang Kai-shek’s faith in Christianity has long been a controversial issue. Some have held that his faith was genuine while others have claimed that it was merely a posture to curry favor with the Americans. Now that the Hoover Institution has released Chiang Kai-shek’s diaries, historians are in a better position to explore this long-ignored part of Chiang’s life. This paper will examine Chiang’s faith as it developed during the Stilwell Incident, the most serious crisis of US–China military cooperation during World War II. While facing American pressure to grant military command to General Joseph W. Stilwell, Chiang reveals in his diaries how he relied on his faith in the Bible, how he interpreted the Bible, and how he applied his understanding of the Bible to his political decision making. An examination of Chiang’s diary during this crisis will help us understand his practical relationship with Christianity, which in turn will provide insight into Chiang’s attitudes and methods in dealing with the Stilwell Incident.     

国际海洋法会议与中国对海洋权益的维护

新中国恢复联合国的合法席位后,随即加入了联合国海底委员会,积极参与《联合国海洋法公约》的起草和审议工作。中国政府关于领海、毗连区、大陆架、专属经济区的观点和主张,既是对国际海洋法发展趋势的把握和推动,在某种程度上也是对中国海洋法实践的总结说明。中国政府的举措代表着发展中国家扩大海洋权益的诉求,对《联合国海洋法公约》的最终形成产生了积极影响。     

Beyond the carrot and stick: the political economy of US military aid to China, 1945–1951

By applying the rent-seeking assumption and sifting through both the archival materials and published historical documents, this article revisits the US–China relationship during the Chinese Civil War (1946–1949) and the early Cold War period, when the United States was caught in the conundrum of aiding the Chinese Nationalists led by Chiang Kai-shek. As military aid is usually regarded as an important representation of broader economic aid, this research mainly concentrates on the US military assistance to postwar Nationalist China. This topic is important, as it signifies a direct American involvement in the Chinese Civil War, when the influence of the United States in postwar world politics was overwhelmingly predominant. As a result, postwar Chinese history might be reevaluated in a broader global postwar context. In addition, this article also tells the story about rent-seeking behaviors in the complicated US–China military relations during the early Cold War period at both micro and macro levels. When it came to US military assistance to China, the formulation of policy was perennially in the name of one's best interest.     

Retrospect and prospect of overseas studies on Chiang Kai-shek and related topics

Mr Chiang Kai-shek is a key historical figure of twentieth century China. The studies of his life and thought have attracted many scholars' attention during his lifetime as well as after his death in 1975. In recent years, along with the opening of the archives of Academia Historica, the Chronological Events (Shilue gaoben), and the Diary of Chiang Kai-shek, once again the topic of Chiang has become a focus among China scholars who study the Republican period. Besides numerous conferences and workshops recently held in Taipei, Beijing, Hangzhou, and other cities in both mainland China and Taiwan, academic circles in America, Europe, and Japan have also held some seminars regarding Chiang Kai-shek. The current overseas studies on Chiang Kai-shek can be divided into two groupings geographically: the Euro–American group and the Japanese group. These two groups, plus those from Taiwan and Mainland China, have formed the four most important academic traditions. In spite of their different views and ideologies, these four are able to influence each other and even to come to similar conclusions. These can be summarized as a more positive image of Chiang whose major achievements include fighting the Japanese in WWII and building a modern China in various ways. This paper, relying on overseas research results, will try to help researchers understand the current situation of studies on Chiang Kai-shek in the world so as to lay a better academic foundation for their own further studies. However, because of all kinds of limitations, this paper will rely mostly on the research achievements of English and Japanese works. Research works in other languages and from other regions will have to wait for later efforts.     

The basic structure of Chiang Kai-shek's diplomatic strategy

As a leader of the Republic of China, Chiang Kai-shek carried on Sun Yat-sen's legacy of using diplomacy as a force in the modern era and planned to rely on diplomacy to revise China's unequal treaties with foreign powers. Chiang elaborated on Sun's ideas and maintained that diplomacy as a war without battles worked more effectively than wars with battles. Faced with the threat of Japanese invasion, he upheld the strategy of using one foreign country to control another. He expected the outbreak of a war between Japan and the Soviet Union or between Japan and the United States so that a war between Japan and China could be avoided. Chiang engaged in active diplomacy aimed at turning these expectations into reality. His diplomatic strategy had an impact during the Anti-Japanese War.