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1.
王跃飞 《沧桑》2009,(4):43-45
湘鄂西苏区形成后,湘鄂西党组织便遇到了如何解决根据地的物质交流,克服经济和财政困难,保证苏区和红军的供给等问题。湘鄂西特委不断总结自己的斗争经验,不断清除“左”倾经济政策的影响,始终把商业工作摆在一个极其重要的位置上来抓,从实际出发,采取许多行之有效的政策和措施,对于促进苏区商业的兴起和发展,收到了良好的效果。  相似文献   

2.
苏区俱乐部与革命意识形态建设间存在着明显的互动关系。一方面,苏区俱乐部的兴起不是偶然的,是俱乐部自身的功能与中国革命现实的需求深度契合的结果,顺应了中共建构崭新的革命意识形态和开展政治动员的需要。另一方面,苏区俱乐部开展了卓有成效的宣教与娱乐活动,较为顺利地将革命意识形态传输给人民大众,实现了民众对中共意识形态的广泛认同,极大地推动了苏区范围内主流意识形态建设。对这种互动关系的理性考察,可以为人们观照中国共产党九十余年的历史提供一个视角。  相似文献   

3.
文斌 《攀登》2023,(2):103-107
文化动员是中国共产党发动组织群众的重要方式。党在湘鄂川黔革命根据地时期的文化动员具有深刻的历史背景,是深刻总结湘鄂西苏区丧失教训的反思,是动员人民群众开展反“围剿”斗争的现实需要,是提高苏区人民群众文化教育水平的迫切要求。中国共产党通过政治口号宣传、红色歌谣传唱、推进红色新闻出版工作、开展群众性文化活动等,有效传播了马克思主义,激发群众的阶级意识和革命觉悟,有效地支持了革命战争,捍卫和巩固了苏区政权。  相似文献   

4.
陈席荣 《神州》2014,(14):30-30
赣南苏区文化在形成过程中,一方面扬弃、淘汰那些与土地革命斗争不适应的旧文化、旧特质;另一方面双吸收、融合了那些适合现实革命斗争的新文化、新特质。经过传统文化与外来文化的融化、整合,使深厚的赣南民族文化在新的文化积累中实现了突变和飞跃。  相似文献   

5.
陈军莲 《沧桑》2009,(6):56-57
苏区精神是老一辈无产阶级革命家和苏区军民在创建和巩固苏区、进行艰苦卓绝的军事斗争和苏区政权建设的实践中,所形成和表现出来的特有的优秀品质、思想作风和精神风貌。苏区精神有着丰富的内涵。新时期继承和弘扬苏区精神,具有极为重要的现实意义和深远的历史意义。  相似文献   

6.
从本文不难看出,商业在整个社会经济中的重要地位,中国传统重农轻商,实在走了弯路。苏区时期,国共两党不独以兵为战,且以商为战。面对国民党的兵之并吞、商之掊克,中共一手抓军事,一手操商务,从两条战线展开绝地反击。苏维埃政府严格遵循经济运行规律,充分发挥市场调节作用,大力推行公营、合营和私营商业并存的开明政策,  相似文献   

7.
8.
刘延广  邓超兰  邓捷 《神州》2012,(21):155
对党的革命动员政策进行简单的分析,认为其具有以下特点:着力打破封建枷锁,注重政策的灵活性;着眼于维护农民利益,进行广泛的群众动员;一切以服从于革命的需要为根本目的。  相似文献   

9.
舒芳 《黑龙江史志》2012,(15):46-47
妇女生活改善委员会是政府组织中一个关于改善妇女生活的专门委员会,其核心是保障妇女的权利。在保障妇女的权利,提高妇女文化的水平,提高劳动妇女的觉悟和对苏维埃政府及革命的认识等方面做出了重大贡献。极大地激发了妇女参加苏维埃革命的热情,有利地推动了苏维埃的建设和革命事业的发展。  相似文献   

10.
张永 《近代史研究》2012,(4):120-133
内容提要 除了张国焘的个人野心和沈泽民、陈昌浩等的“左倾”教条主义,鄂豫皖肃反发生原因至少应补充三点:一、当时鄂豫皖红军中确实存在严重的纪律问题,需要大力整肃;二、1930年代初政治派系极为复杂,斗争残酷,真假难辨,容易诱发冤案;三、红四军干部在南下行动中对抗中央分局,违反了“党指挥枪”原则。红四军白雀园肃反被杀人数不是2500人,约有800人作为反革命组织成员被捕,其中小部分人被杀,另外有超过1500人作为富农等阶级异己分子被驱逐出红军。中下级干部在肃反扩大化中起到了相当重要的作用。  相似文献   

11.
对在华苏联专家问题的历史考察:基本状况及政策变化   总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7  
向国外派遣大量专家和顾问 ,是冷战时代社会主义国家之间关系的一种特别现象。本文以大量中国地方档案和俄国解密档案及当事人回忆为依据 ,讨论了 2 0世纪 5 0年代在华苏联专家的基本状况。作者认为 ,1 0年之间约 2万名苏联专家来华 ,完全是中国巩固政权和发展经济的要求 ;中苏双方对短时间内大量专家来华都缺乏必要的准备和严格的管理 ;1 95 4— 1 95 6年是专家来华的高潮 ,受波兰事件影响 ,从 1 95 7年双方加强对专家来华的控制 ;1 95 7— 1 96 0年中国实行少而精的原则 ,特别要求增加国防新技术专家 ,但中苏关系恶化导致专家工作停顿。苏联派往中国的专家人数最多 ,时间最长 ,加强这一课题的研究 ,对探讨社会主义国家关系特点 ,分析中苏同盟破裂的原因 ,以及思考中国走向现代化的发展道路具有特别意义。  相似文献   

12.
文化定式是指在跨文化交际过程中,人们将具有相同特征的一群人或者任何民族、种族塑造成一定的形象。不同的社会文化背景和历史条件下,人们对事物的认识会发生变化,有时认识与真实情况完全相悖。苏联不同时期社会对外部世界的认识不一,根本原因在于官方宣传的引导,次要原因是社会传统和文化传承。既有的社会文化定式将长期影响人们对事物的认识。  相似文献   

13.
In this paper, we analyze the evolution of Russian cultural policy from the end of the Soviet era through the current against the framework of welfare state regimes. The end of the Soviet Union 25 years ago ushered in a decade of liberalization marked by a withdrawal of the state from cultural responsibility and hopes that market demand and private support would emerge to fill in the void. With the latter hampered by the economic hardships of the transition and the loss of philanthropic traditions after more than 70 years of communism, a liberal policy regime did not take firmly hold and has gradually been replaced by a new cultural policy consensus more akin to a conservative welfare regime, marked by a return of the state to a more dominant role with the support of core cultural policy constituencies.  相似文献   

14.
In Soviet sources from the Brezhnev era, the history of architectural preservation after 1917 was presented as a triumph of rational state‐building and cultural organisation: with the support of Lenin, the Bolshevik government had rapidly put in place effective measures to protect historic buildings for future generations. As this article shows, the evolution of legislative and practical measures was considerably more complicated than this optimistic representation would suggest. In the early Soviet period, a highly ideologised understanding of the past meant that preservationist ambitions might (especially during the ‘Great Break’ of 1928–1932) be seen as intrinsically reactionary. The canon of historical buildings was shaped by perceptions of centrality to Soviet values, as well as historical and aesthetic importance. The article also explores the transformation of attitudes to architectural heritage as a response to destruction by the invading forces during the ‘Great Patriotic War’, after which commitment to preservation became far more whole‐hearted, although enforcement and financial support continued to be inconsistent. The Soviet case indicates not just the importance of heritage preservation to the cultural ambitions and self‐image of the modern state but the limits of commitment to preservation and the pressure placed on this by the commitment to all‐out modernisation and to the propaganda of new identities and values.  相似文献   

15.
1949年1~2月间,在中国革命即将取得全面胜利之际,苏联驻华使馆却令人吃惊地追随正在逃亡的国民党政府由南京迁至广州.有关苏联驻华使馆撤离南京的真正用意,是史学界长期以来关注的焦点,同时也是部分研究成果论证苏联、斯大林本人怀疑中国革命说法的基础.实际上,苏联驻华使馆撤离事件是苏联方面采取历史上惯用的双重对华政策的必然结果,既不是苏联方面对中国革命的进程判断失误,也不是苏联方面坚持了不干涉中国内政的原则.相反,在意识形态(革命利益)和国家利益之间发生冲突的时候,苏联方面首先选择的是自身国家利益.苏联驻华使馆在新中国成立前的撤退,符合苏联的国家利益,最大限度地保护了苏联在华的政治和经济利益.客观地看,苏联驻华使馆由南京撤至广州作为外交手段捍卫国家利益本无可厚非,但从联共(布)和中共共同的革命利益出发,上述做法显然欠妥.  相似文献   

16.
ABSTRACT

The debate over how to reconcile trade liberalization with cultural policy is a long-standing one. There is great variation in how countries have navigated this debate. Furthermore, evolving individual policy approaches show noteworthy dynamism, largely in response to domestic politics, shifts in the international trading system and technological developments. This special issue explores different approaches to the trade and culture debate across geographic space, as well as the evolution across time through analysis of six cases – Canada, the European Union, South Africa, Latin America, the United States and China.  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT

In this paper, we explore the policies related to support structures surrounding national game industries, with focus on the three Nordic countries Finland, Norway and Sweden, and investigate what kind of context the Nordic welfare state model has provided for game development. The three cases illustrate how Nordic welfare state measures have interacted with the games industry over time. While the political ideals have been fairly similar, our study demonstrates how the objectives and practical means of state engagement have differed significantly. We argue that although the three countries all have support schemes of which game companies can take advantage, there are significant differences in the degree to which each individual country has organized government interventions and support. While the Finnish state has treated game development as an endeavour in business development, the regional Nordic game program and the Norwegian state has developed a cultural policy that primarily aims to protect the cultural heritage. The Swedish state has not established a tailormade policy directed towards game development but has a broad spectrum of general policies for supporting research and business development. We suggest that future research should investigate how the public funding is structured and how discourses are formulated around appeals for more public funding for the games industry.  相似文献   

18.
ABSTRACT

Trade liberalization took the cultural community in Latin America by surprise, forcing a defensive reaction that took years to generate adequate public policy responses. However, cultural policy has changed unevenly in the region. Two issues became the center of culture and trade debates after the 1990s: cultural industry production and traditional indigenous knowledge. Mexico, by far the largest producer of audiovisual content on the continent, has been reluctant to adopt defensive approaches or red lines during trade negotiations. In fact, Chile is the only country that negotiated a ‘cultural reserve’ in its FTA with the United States. Regarding traditional knowledge, only states with large indigenous populations like Guatemala, Panama but especially Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador in the Andean Region dedicated significant efforts to fight for intellectual property protection for traditional knowledge, including benefit-sharing for the commercial use of genetic resources, derived through indigenous collective knowledge.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

This article proposes a novel approach to cultural policies and cultural policy change, drawing on public policy and institutional analysis to study how decision-making power is distributed between actors in the public and private sectors and at different state levels, as well as the precise roles of public administrations, elected officials and cultural actors. Indeed, rather than directly defining cultural policy, laws on culture mostly designate actors in charge of policy implementation. Based on an empirical application of this analytical framework to the case of Swiss cantons and focusing specifically on the positions of cultural actors, findings show that cultural policies are transformed in different ways, affording more or less power to actors from the cultural sector in implementation arrangements generally dominated by administrative actors.  相似文献   

20.
30年来的中国近代思想史研究,依据研究重心的变化可以分为三个阶段:一是1978年到80年代末,研究重点集中于思想家个案及政治思想史方面;二是80年代末到90年代末,研究重心逐渐转变为以社会思潮史及思想家个案为主;三是90年代末以来,研究重心集中于社会思潮史和学术思想史领域.正是在研究重心的逐渐转移过程之中,近代思想史研究的广度不断拓宽,研究深度亦渐次深化.改革开放之后中国学术界最引人注目的现象之一,是中国文化史研究的复兴;90年代以后中国文化史发展的新趋势,是社会文化史研究的勃然兴起.长期无人问津或受人冷落的研究领域,如近代科技文化、民间宗教、民间意识与观念、文化心态、公共空间领域、新词语与观念变迁等,受到学术界的广泛关注并出现了许多研究成果.近代社会文化史正在成为史学新观念和新方法的一个重要生长点.  相似文献   

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