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中法战争结束后,边疆危机日益严重,清政府在桂西南地区积极推行移民实边政策,吸引了大批人民往居。移民实边不仅奠定了今天桂西南地区各民族的分布格局,而且对广西的国防、政治、经济、化诸方面也产生了深刻的影响,促进了近代广西社会的进步。 相似文献
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清末的桂西南地区地缘政治形态包:蹯地缘政治环境、行为、心理、思想和格局等若干方面。中法战争是桂西南地区地缘政治形态变迁的转折点,英法两国的地缘政治角逐是桂西南地区地缘政治形态形成的主要原因。从1884年的中法战争起,桂西南地区的地缘政治地位就处于上升趋势,桂西南地区的经济和文化近代化发展加速,1907年南宁被迫自开为商埠,广西的地缘政治中心随之转到南宁,1910年滇越铁路通车后,法国将主要注意力转向云南,广西边疆安全形势趋缓,桂西南地区的地缘政治地位骤降,导致以龙州为中心的桂西南地区近代化进程重新陷入长期的边缘缓慢发展状态。 相似文献
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王士性的《广志绎》记录了西南地区珍贵的史地资料,书中关注了广西东西部地区的发展差异,从地形交通、统治方式、移民、人口比例、习俗融合五个方面作了记录,这种差异直接导致了广西桂东与桂西地区民族关系交流程度的不一,还使得地区社会经济发展的差距不断拉大,影响到了今天广西的地区发展的差异。 相似文献
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《中国边疆史地研究》2021,(2)
在晚清东北边疆危机的背景下,移民实边成为维护边疆地区稳定的重要手段;边疆危机与移民实边的双重影响,推进了边疆政区的设置。通过对吉林蜂蜜山地区放垦与设治这一历史进程的审视,可以看出边疆危机是引发移民实边的契机;移民实边促进了政区设置的进程,亦在一定程度上纾解了边患。三者之间的密切关系,体现了清末东北政区设置的特殊之处。 相似文献
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宋代以来客家人向岭南西部边疆的不断迁移,充分体现了中央王朝对岭南西部的经略方向和经济开发进程。随着客家移民的触角从早期的桂东南逐渐延伸到北部湾沿岸、桂西南沿边和桂西边缘地区,在人口增长和生产技术的推动下,岭南西部的经济开发经历了一个从东至西、从腹地到沿边地带推进的过程。在此客家移民、经济开发与王朝的边疆经略相契合,而客家移民无疑是主体,在王朝经略岭南西部、开发和巩固岭南边疆、实现岭南西部边疆地区"内地化"的过程中发挥着重要的作用。 相似文献
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1949年11月底至1950年初,人民解放军第4野战军主力迅速发起广西战役,先后解放桂林、柳州、梧州、南宁等主要城市,取得了粤桂边大围歼作战的胜利。在解放军强大军事压力和政治攻势下,驻桂北、黔桂边、桂西和靖西地区的国民党军纷纷起义,接受和平改编,使广西广大地区获得和平解放。 相似文献
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1949年11月底至1950年初,人民解放军第四野战军主力迅速发起广西战役,先后解放桂林、柳州、梧州、南宁等主要城市,取得了粤桂边大围歼作战的胜利。在解放军强大军事压力和政治攻势下,驻桂北、黔桂边、桂西和靖西地区的国民党军纷纷起义,接受和平改编,使广西广大地区获得和平解放。 相似文献
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范玉春 《中国边疆史地研究》2005,15(4):77-84
近代以来。西南地区的矿业开发吸引了大量来自全国各地的移民,这种矿业移民促进了西南地区社会的全面发展。位于广西中部地区的合山市是一个新兴的能源工业城市,也是桂中汉族人口比例较高的地区。由于独特的经济开发进程,舍山汉族的移民高潮与合山煤矿的开发基本同步,汉族移民主要来自本自治区东南部各县,形成了以合山矿务局为中心的汉族人口聚居区。移民与当地壮族和其他早期汉族移民之间的整合在经济、文化层面体现出不同的特点。这种独特性体现了近代以来西南地区社会发展的特殊轨迹。 相似文献
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明朝统一云南、巩固西南边疆进程中对云南的军事移民 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
陆韧 《中国边疆史地研究》2005,15(4):68-76
明朝在统一云南、巩固西南边疆的进程中,始终贯彻军事征战、卫所设置与屯田镇戍相结合的治滇方略,从而导致云南历史上持续时间最长、规模最大的军事移民运动。本文整体考察了明朝各个时期对云南进行的军事移民的原因、规模、组织形式及入口数量等问题,探讨了大规模的军事移民在维护西南边疆的统一、稳定方面所起的重要作用。 相似文献
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司佳 《中国历史地理论丛》2000,(4)
本文试将时间地理学中的“时间轴”概念植入到文化地理的研究中 ,以体现在不同的时间周期中人们的“行为模式”的差异。这种差异通过以“天”为周期的考察方法体现出来 :明清时期汉人移民大量进入黔中、黔西南地区以后 ,黔地土著苗民在原有的“岁时”民俗上进而获得了“天时”的观念 ,对每天的日常生活有了较有规律的安排和分工 相似文献
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This article examines recent attempts to create a common European Union (EU) immigration policy. This "harmonized" policy has faced political blockages, despite being seen by most observers as necessary if the EU is to meet its goal of free movement of labor. Because of this resistance, immigration harmonization has lagged behind other EU policy areas. To explain national resistance to harmonizing immigration policy, our article develops a theoretical and conceptual model of how immigration policy is potentially harmonized at the EU level, but how this harmonization can be blocked or restricted. We explain these political blockages with a model of intergovernmental bargaining that focuses on political salience, political partisanship, and institutions that protect immigrant rights. We argue that these national-level factors have determined the success and the nature of various harmonization proposals, by determining the positions of member states when negotiating in the European Council. Our primary hypothesis is that when the political salience of a given immigration issue is high, any harmonization that results is more likely to be restrictive toward immigrant rights. We also hypothesize that the impact of institutions that protect immigrant rights, and of political partisanship, is variable depending on the issue area and the national context. We use literature on European integration, immigration politics, agenda-setting, venue-shopping, and two-level games to theorize, operationalize, and test these hypotheses. The article helps to advance scholarly work on immigration politics, but our model could also conceivably be applied to other high-salience policy areas in the EU. 相似文献
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Over the last two decades, the American states have become increasingly active in shaping U.S. immigration policies. One consistent predictor in studies of state immigration policies revolves around public opinion or mass political attitudes in the form of anti‐immigrant sentiment. Unfortunately, past research relies extensively on blunt demographic proxies or other alternative replacements to measure mass opinion. Through incorporating a direct measure of anti‐immigrant sentiment constructed from public opinion surveys, we uncover mixed results. In static models, anti‐immigrant sentiment predicts a state’s overall immigration policy restrictiveness or policy “tone”; however, mass opinion fails to consistently predict immigration restrictiveness in more dynamic models of annual policy change and total number of hostile policies. We theorize that state legislators are likely responding to mass opinion with immigration policy restrictiveness when citizens mobilize and demand accountability during times of heightened issue salience. However, during times of reduced salience among the populace the influence of anti‐immigrant sentiment wanes, and commercial and political elites are seemingly able to shift individual immigration policies in more accommodative directions. Anti‐immigrant sentiment can motivate state immigration policy restriction, but likely only during select periods of heightened issue salience and attentive, engaged citizenry. 相似文献
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吴小凤 《中国边疆史地研究》2003,13(4):52-61
广西地处祖国南疆,属后发展地区。明代广西地方官吏和广西人民采取疏通河道、修建大路、建造桥梁、建设水驿等措施,大力发展水陆交通,使广西形成了辐射四方、水陆交叉的交通网络。交通网络的形成对广西政治、经济、化起着很大的促进作用,对维护祖国统一也有积极意义。 相似文献
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试论拜占庭的拓殖运动 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
7—9世纪拜占庭的农业拓殖运动,是中世纪世界引人注目的历史现象。在实行军屯和民屯的政策方面,拜占庭继承了罗马共和到帝制时代的历史传统,但与罗马时期以开疆拓土为目标的外张性拓殖相比,拜占庭拓殖的主要目的是守护边疆、强化政府管理机制。拓殖政策的实行,使得巴尔干和小亚细亚半岛上的"新来者"将其"蛮荒时代"的社会和生产结构方面的因素糅进拜占庭的社会生活当中,促进了中世纪东地中海各不同起源的民族之间的融合,促进了一个堪称为"东方基督教文化圈"的东地中海文明共同体的形成。 相似文献
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高茂兵 《中国边疆史地研究》2012,(2):46-55,148
清末民初,广东之钦廉曾三次被提议改隶广西省。第一次是在光绪末年,与广西迁省南宁一并提出,因当时桂林籍官绅的强烈反对和清政府财政拮据而未实现。另外两次是在民国初年老桂系势力发展的背景下提出,因广东各属绅商、侨寓外地各社会团体的强烈反对以及桂粤矛盾等多种因素仍未实现。通过对此事件的分析,可以得出如下结论:在研究民国初期的行政区划变更时,不仅要考虑传统的因素,还要考虑基层民意、地方绅商的势力和近代报纸的舆论影响。 相似文献
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This paper explores assumptions made and measurement approaches in the nuanced pathway between enacted state immigration policies and the outcomes they affect in Latino immigrant communities. Scholars across a variety of fields have found that contemporary state immigrant policymaking is associated with outcomes in immigrant communities including political engagement, mental and physical health, access to education, and labor opportunities. In this paper, we explore questions of how state immigration policies produce these and other outcomes. Much of this literature relies on the assumption that members of the immigrant communities are aware of the state policies being enacted, yet few quantitative studies of the effects of state immigration policy contain measures of both policy and of perception. We seek to determine the extent to which Latino immigrants are aware of state immigrant policymaking to help determine whether state immigration policies are a valid approach to measure perceptions of the immigration policy environment in Latino immigrant communities. Additionally, we explore alternative measures of immigration policy. Our findings are particularly relevant to policymakers and immigration scholars as the contemporary political environment has helped to fuel anti‐immigrant sentiments and rhetoric contributing to Latinos’ perceptions of the state immigrant policy environment. 相似文献