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1.
由于经济发展的周期性和国际石油价格的上涨,20世纪70年代中期,巴西"经济奇迹"结束.但是,出于政治因素的考虑,70年代后期盖泽尔政府推行了"负债增长"的战略,进入80年代后,费格雷多政府依然拒绝实行经济紧缩政策,结果最终导致了巴西的债务危机和经济的全面衰退. 相似文献
2.
AbstractFor almost 10 years there has been talk of the economic crisis affecting the European area, with more evident effects in the Mediterranean countries. Yet the expression ‘economic crisis’ has become too wide and blurred to be useful for describing how the current socio-economic conjuncture is affecting different categories of young people in different ways. Precariousness and reduced job opportunities, with their consequences for social mobility, constitute only the more explicit and raw evidence of the lived experience of the crisis among young people. Although families remain the all-solving institution, the consequences of the crisis are diversified according to the economic, cultural and social capital of each individual, to gender and generation position, and to subjective and contextualized perceptions. This article presents research conducted to investigate how young people living in the urban area of Milan locate, react, readapt and reinvent themselves in the present economic context by analysing their aspirations, expectations and practices. We develop a comparative analysis of the main structural bias (gender, education, social class position) in order to shed light on the effects and perceptions of the crisis among young people in the city of Milan. 相似文献
3.
《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(1):101-114
China formally adopted the policy of reform and opening up to the outside world in 1978. Since then, both economic practice and economic theory in China have undergone profound changes, and the academic study of modern Chinese economic history has been encouraged to expand its research horizons under the rubric of “liberating the mind and seeking truth in the facts”. A number of important monographs and essays have been produced and the study of modern Chinese economic history has entered a flourishing period. Current research focuses on two major topics: China's New Democratic economy and the planned economy during the period 1949–78; and, China's socialist market economy from 1978–2006. The study of these two areas shows numerous interconnections, points of comparison and causal links. The many and important lessons to be drawn from these studies both exhibit Chinese characteristics and have universal implications. 相似文献
4.
Vincent Houben 《European Review of History》2012,19(6):965-977
Southeast Asia, the world region covering the countries of ASEAN, lies at the crossroads between China and India. Since early times it has been part of the global economy, going through cycles of boom and bust at least from the nineteenth century onwards. This essay compares three successive economic crises during the 1880s, 1930s and late 1990s. It shows how different types of crisis reflected as well as produced changes in the connectivity between production factors and institutional arrangements. Whereas the crisis of the 1880s was ‘local’, that of the 1930s was both ‘national’ and ‘delegated global’ and that of the 1990s ‘regional’ in nature. The types of crisis and the ways in which they were handled reflected structural changes in the institutional architecture of the global economy. 相似文献
5.
宪法危机与1919年南北和谈 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
1919年议和前后南北政府混乱的宪法依据,以及双方各利益集团的不同考虑,凸显出南北议和的一个难点:宪法问题.也正因此导致第二次南北和谈缺乏一个能够统摄各方的中心,并使南北军阀在和谈前期达成的利益妥协不能实现,和谈最终陷于瘫痪. 相似文献
6.
Enrica Rigo 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2018,23(4):507-521
By drawing on the Italian case, this article critically discusses the use of crisis as a tool of knowledge and expertise production. In recent years, the theme of crisis has played a key role in shifting migration management towards a humanitarian agenda based on the premise that contemporary migration to Europe is comprised of forced mass movement. The article considers the extent to which migrants’ subjectivities call into question the knowledge that has been produced during the current era. It also reflects on the ways in which gender and race provide fundamental insights for a better understanding of the evolution of migration management within the context of crisis. 相似文献
7.
RANDAL SHEPPARD 《Nations & Nationalism》2011,17(3):500-519
ABSTRACT. This article examines how the Mexican state drew upon nationalist discourse for legitimacy following the 1982 debt crisis. The analytical framework situates Mexico within the context of Latin American nationalism and explores the structural and conjunctural factors that contributed to the endurance and effectiveness of Mexican revolutionary nationalism as a hegemonic nationalist discourse. Historical commemorations during the Miguel de la Madrid administration (1982–88) are then examined to show how the state evoked nationalist motifs as it dealt with economic crisis, pressure from the USA, domestic political opposition and the implementation of neoliberal reforms. The relative effectiveness of sometimes counterintuitive appeals to nationalist legitimacy is found to be neither wholly ‘rational’ nor ‘irrational’, in this case having its basis in a history of elite and popular negotiation through the revolutionary nationalist framework, the continuity of the post‐revolutionary Partido de la Revolución Institutional (PRI) state model and the lack of a viable competing paradigm. 相似文献
8.
Mareike Späth 《Nations & Nationalism》2013,19(2):257-275
The fiftieth anniversary of Madagascar's independence in 2010 took place in the midst of political crisis. The transitory government staged large public parties to mark the Jubilee. Despite a public discussion about legitimacy and justification of this fact, the national holiday was lavishly celebrated. In Madagascar, Independence Day is also an important family event and emphasis was put on private celebrations including family feasts and reunions. As a result, it enhanced the participants' emotional attachment to their personal and local face‐to‐face milieu. This article asks how the golden jubilee was celebrated against a backdrop of political illegitimacy. I contrast official state‐led initiatives and individual agency in the private sphere and discuss how the national holiday has been appropriated and reinterpreted by the population as a family and community holiday. This article is based on qualitative ethnographical fieldwork in Antananarivo before, during and after the peak of the independence jubilee. 相似文献
9.
20世纪30年代英法等西方国家对纳粹德国实施的绥靖政策,一般被认为是鼓励希特勒侵略胆量和野心、最终导致二战爆发的一个重要原因,它在日后甚至发展成了国际政治中软弱无能、胆怯和丧失原则的无益让步的代名词,即所谓"慕尼黑类比"。在"慕尼黑类比"的阴影下,"绥靖"一词被严重污名化,沦为政治攻击的工具,用以反对任何正常和必要的国家间谈判、妥协和友好交往,为强硬外交乃至战争铺路,产生了严重的国际政治后果。但从危机管理的角度来看,绥靖可以是一种通过向对方做出不对等的利益让步来化解危机、避免战争的理性手段,它是一国在面临他国直接威胁挑战或危机情形下,当相互妥协、威慑与强制外交等其他手段都失败或不可行,从而使危机发展到一定阶段时,国家基于成本收益计算和利害权衡,为了避免战争而做出的最后努力。未来研究中应摒弃政治与意识形态上的偏见,发掘更多绥靖案例,对诸如绥靖政策何以成败等问题进行深入分析,以丰富和加深我们对于国际政治中的绥靖现象的理解。 相似文献
10.
面对国际金融危机带来的严峻挑战,青海省委省政府及时制定实施了一系列应对措施,并取得了积极成效。但是,由于国际经济形势仍不稳定、出口环境仍然偏紧等因素的影响,青海应对后国际金融危机仍然面临着诸多困难。为此,本文结合当前国内外宏观经济环境,从加大正面宣传力度、压缩政府公务支出、转变经济发展方式、加强国内外经济技术合作、强化公共财政职能等方面提出了对策措施。 相似文献
11.
Andrea Benvenuti 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2017,22(4):512-529
In mid-November 2011, Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi tendered his formal resignation to President Giorgio Napolitano. It was a humiliating ‘political exit’ for the controversial Italian leader who had been the dominant figure in Italian politics since the mid-1990s. With Italy in the throes of an unprecedented financial crisis, Berlusconi’s squabbling centre-right coalition had appeared increasingly incapable of dealing with the economic emergency engulfing the country. To restore credibility, Napolitano appointed Mario Monti who quickly put together an emergency government. Since then, the downfall of Italy’s longest-serving post-war prime minister has generated a good deal of controversy. Allegations that Berlusconi was pushed out of power by a cabal of domestic and international detractors have been rife both inside and outside Italy. But how plausible are these claims? Was Berlusconi brought down by a conspiracy orchestrated by Napolitano and instigated by Italy’s EU partners? This article will address these questions and, to do so, it will chart the dramatic events that led to his downfall and examine the international and domestic contexts in which these events took place. 相似文献
12.
Anni Kangas 《Nations & Nationalism》2013,19(3):572-591
This article examines how the discourse of nation functions as a mechanism furthering the expansion of a neoliberal market civilisation in Russia. It contributes to discussions that have challenged the assumed mutual exclusivity of economic nationalism and neoliberalism. The article develops its argument in the context of the idea of contemporary international society as a market civilisation characterised by an adaptation to and adoption of neoliberal standards by states. The ongoing modernisation project in Russia illustrates the workings of such standards, as exemplified by the project for an innovation city in Skolkovo, in the Moscow metropolitan area. Building on an analysis of the Skolkovo debate, the article agues that there is no inherent contradiction between economic nationalism and neoliberalism. Rather, the nation is an important symbolic system that produces a cultural susceptibility to, and a discursive field for, the introduction of neoliberal standards of market civilisation in Russia. 相似文献
13.
文章从国际尺度和国家尺度对近代中国的经济格局进行考察,认为1800年前中国是世界经济中心之一,近代中国则成为欧美制成品的销售地和原材料的来源地,中国由此转变为世界经济的边缘。这种世界经济格局又影响中国内部的经济格局,原来南北经济差距转变为东西差距,东部沿海成为中国经济的中心区,西部则成为中国经济的边缘。 相似文献
14.
Jeffrey D. Wilson 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2015,69(2):224-245
In recent years, efforts to institutionalise resource security cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region have intensified. Soaring world prices for minerals and energy have seen a range of resource security strategies launched—through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), ASEAN Plus Three, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation and the East Asia Summit—all of which aim to promote intergovernmental dialogue, policy coordination and the integration of regional resource markets. However, the practical achievements of these regional efforts have been limited, as none have advanced beyond dialogue activities to more formalised types of resource security cooperation. This article examines the dynamics of these abortive attempts to regionalise resource cooperation in the Asia-Pacific, arguing that economic nationalist resource policy preferences held by governments have acted as a major obstacle to cooperation. Through an analysis of national resource policy regimes and the outputs of recent cooperative efforts, it demonstrates how economic nationalism has encouraged inward-looking and sovereignty-conscious actions on the part of major resource players in the Asia-Pacific. As a result, intergovernmental resource cooperation has been limited to informal and voluntary ‘soft-law’ initiatives, which have not made a substantive contribution to the resource security of economies in the region. 相似文献
15.
《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(6):772-789
This paper empirically examines the impact of the recent global economic crisis on foreign investment from EU countries in Russia by estimating a location choice model for foreign firms' entry in Russian regions for the period 1997-2011. It also examines the relative importance of various determinants of location choice on the redistribution of foreign-owned firms among Russian regions before and after the crisis. Strong evidence during the post-crisis period (2008-2011) of a decrease in market-seeking foreign investment in manufacturing and resource-seeking foreign investment in trade is examined not only in light of the crisis but also (in the latter case) within the context of the new Russian law for foreign investment in strategic industries, which went into effect in 2008. 相似文献
16.
1929年世界经济危机发生后,西方基督教差会被迫减少对华传教事业经费,裁减传教士人数,对华北基督教产生重要影响。华北教会为此提倡受托主义,鼓励教徒捐献,并减少职员薪金;同时,教会为减轻经济负担,还组织各种义工训练班,注意培养义务工作人员为教会服务;教会学校与医院在差会经费减少的形势下,通过裁员减支、增收学费与住院费及向政府、社会力量请求援助等多种形式维持运营。此次经济危机有利于增强中国教会及教会机构的自养,破除教徒的依赖心理,推动了中国教会的本色化进程,但不能从根本上使其摆脱对西方经费的依赖。 相似文献
17.
The special issue this article opens engages with an apparent conundrum that has often puzzled observers of East Asian politics—why, despite the region's considerable economic integration, multilateral economic governance institutions remain largely underdeveloped. The authors argue that this ‘regionalism problématique’ has led to the neglect of prior and more important questions pertaining to how patterns of economic governance, beyond the national scale, are emerging in East Asia and why. In this special issue, the contributors shift analytic focus onto social and political struggles over the scale and instruments of economic governance in East Asia. The contributions identify and explain the emergence of a wide variety of regional modes of economic governance often neglected by the scholarship or erroneously viewed as stepping stones towards ‘deeper’ multilateralism. 相似文献
18.
市场经济条件下,经济发展环境是一个地区社会文明程度、开放水平和区域竞争能力的综合反映。本文通过深入调查,在客观评价青海省经济发展环境现状的基础上,有针对性地提出了相关措施和政策建议,目的在于使青海省的经济发展环境更好地适应经济发展的要求。 相似文献
19.
王仁芳 《中国文物科学研究》2012,(3):14-17,9
明代中期以后为防御蒙古套部扰掠,在今宁夏南北分设固原、宁夏两镇,所谓“九边重镇”独占其二。同时先后修筑了包括“河东墙”及“沿河边墙”、“深沟高垒”与“横城大边”、“旧北长城”与“北长城”“西长城”“固原内边”以及“徐斌水新边”等数条备边工事。本文拟就长城资源调查中新发现与确认的明代对固原镇城附近战国秦长城的修缮利用、“徐斌水新边”长城以及“河东壕堑”三则新发现及相关情况略作介绍论述。 相似文献
20.
Li Xiaoqian 《中国历史研究》2017,50(2):155-166
ABSTRACTSince the early modern era, following the abolishment of the imperial civil service exam and the rise of modern schools, the subject of history was included in education at all levels, from primary to tertiary. However, in comparison with traditional society, the degree of attention devoted to historical knowledge has in fact declined rather than improved. In the 1920s, many contemporaries vocally criticized and pondered the low level of historical knowledge among primary and secondary school students, and occasionally voiced dissatisfaction with history education at the university level as well. Critics primarily focused their discussions on the insufficient attention for history classes, imperfect standards formulated for history classes, poor history teaching materials, and lack of qualified, specialized teachers, forming a universal consensus among contemporaries on the failure of history education. However, the widespread opprobrium attached to history education was closely tied to two facts: first, the historians of early modern China had as yet failed to compile a general history of China acceptable to the majority, greatly disappointing many educators; second, historical resources failed to exercise the mobilizing effect on early modern Chinese society that contemporaries had hoped for, and history thus often became the scapegoat paying the price for practical setbacks and failures in the political arena. 相似文献