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1.
The pneumonic plague, which spread over Northeast China during the winter of 1910 and the spring of 1911, caused a great many deaths and brought about severe social turmoil. After compulsory quarantine and other epidemic preventative measures were enforced by the Russian and Japanese colonial authorities in both north and south Manchuria, the local government of Northeast China, lacking similar quarantine and epidemic prevention procedures, was under the threat of forced intervention. It had to establish modern public health agencies in a short time following the compulsory quarantine and epidemic prevention methods of the Russian and Japanese colonial authorities, although they caused many social conflicts and confrontations. In this respect, the quarantine and epidemic prevention measures that were implemented at that time can never be simply and absolutely labeled as “progressive.” However, a “sympathetic understanding” can be upheld for the sufferings of the common people, for the various unpleasant but necessary measures taken by the Chinese government in order to safeguard sovereignty and prevent Russian and Japanese intervention, and also for the transformation of public health systems later carried out because of lessons learned from this painful experience.  相似文献   

2.
This paper examines colonial discourses on race, environment and global identity that arose during an outbreak of bubonic plague in the French Pacific settler colony of New Caledonia between December 1899 and April 1900. The outbreak of plague brought to the forefront colonial anxieties over living on the periphery of empire, definitions of what it meant to be white, the health menace posed by peoples the dominant colonial society categorised as non- white, and the danger the plague posed to the salubrious island environment that had just begun to attract free settlement after the end of the penal colony four years previously. These discourses were linked by the threat, real and imagined, posed by the bubonic plague, intersecting with the ambiguous place held by the outlying colony within the webs of a modern global commercial community and the Pacific world.  相似文献   

3.
John Stehlin 《对极》2016,48(2):474-493
The San Francisco Bay Area in California is undergoing a technology‐driven wave of growth arguably more thoroughgoing than the first “dot‐com” bubble, fueling hypertrophic gentrification and tales of a deeply class‐divided, “Blade Runner kind of society”. While Silicon Valley is still the industry's employment center, San Francisco is seeing faster tech firm growth, and is transforming its downtown to become more “livable” and promoting public space as key to innovation. In this context, this paper offers a reading of urban public space not just as a consumption amenity but also as the “shop floor” of a labor process that goes beyond the walls of the firm to mobilize the social itself in the production of privately appropriated value. With innovation now the watchword of gentrification, the stakes of this shift oscillate between the total commodification of urban vitality and the recognition of the social process of value production itself.  相似文献   

4.
The San Francisco Bay Area demonstrates how industrial dispersal had created the sprawling form of the American metropolis. Neither change in transport modes nor residential suburbanization is principally responsible for shaping the outward spiral of urbanization. Manufacturing began its outward march from the outset of the city's industrialization, establishing peripheral nodes of employment and working class residence within San Francisco, then beyond the city limits in South San Francisco and especially the East Bay. The main cause of decentralization has been industrial shifts; the outbreak of new activities in new places, normally in the form of industrial districts at various spatial scales. A second cause has been the orchestration of development by business leaders through property ownership and political manoeuvring guided by a general vision of metropolitan expansion, whether in co-operation or competition with one another.  相似文献   

5.
褚静涛 《安徽史学》2018,(3):103-110
奄美群岛是琉球群岛的一部分。1951年9月8日,《旧金山和约》签署,美国获得琉球群岛等岛屿的行政管辖权。为了扶植日本,对抗苏联,美国拟将奄美群岛的行政管辖权移交日本。台湾当局认为,包括奄美群岛在内的琉球群岛的主权属于琉球人民,不属于日本。台湾当局与美国政府展开沟通,指出美国此举将挑战《开罗宣言》《波茨坦宣言》,公开支持琉球人民追求自治。台湾一些民众向美国国会中的参议员打电报,劝告美国勿将奄美群岛交给日本管辖。1953年12月24日,美日两国在东京签署了关于奄美群岛的协定,根据《旧金山和约》第三条,美国将奄美群岛的行政管辖权移交日本。同时,美国政府发表声明,将继续管辖冲绳群岛、先岛群岛等岛屿。  相似文献   

6.
二战后英国出于冷战的考量和为了换取日本在其东南亚殖民地的财产,在旧金山媾和时放弃了其东南亚殖民地对日本的赔偿要求,使得1962年初因发现日本占领新加坡期间被屠杀的华人遗骸而引发的对日追讨血债的行动困难重重。新加坡中华总商会在日本政府一再拖延的情况下,发动了对日不合作运动,公布了14项实施办法。此运动的发动及其影响,使日方深切地感受到新加坡在其对外贸易中的重要性,并成为《日本国与新加坡共和国之间1967年9月21日协定》顺利签订的主要原因之一。  相似文献   

7.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, municipal authorities in England and Wales, and in Scotland, began to develop systems of veterinary public health which encompassed both the welfare of animals and the safety of meat and milk intended for human consumption. This paper examines the motives behind veterinary attempts to extend the integration of human and animal health considerations within the public health framework in the inter-war period. In 1938 the Ministry of Agriculture implemented a national administrative structure for the management of animal diseases which absorbed the veterinary personnel of the municipal authorities, whose own veterinary public health activities largely fell into abeyance. As a result, the ideal of veterinary public health disappeared from British public health practice after 1939, and lost its force as a professional political cause. The mid-century disappearance of animal health from consideration in British public health programmes was one of a complex of historical strands which contributed to the late-twentieth-century emergence of public health crises over such animal-borne diseases as salmonellosis, Escherichia coli infection, and bovine spongiform encephalopathy.  相似文献   

8.
1939年,日本侵占南沙群岛,改名为新南群岛,划归台湾总督府管辖。1946年12月12日,中国军队登陆太平岛,竖立界碑,重申对南沙群岛的主权。1950年,台湾当局自太平岛撤出军队。1951年,《旧金山和约》签署,规定"日本放弃对南沙群岛及西沙群岛之一切权利、权利根据与要求"。这改变不了南沙群岛、西沙群岛属于中国领土一部分的事实。1956年,菲律宾商人克洛马代表"人道王国",占据了南沙群岛的几座岛礁。其属于个人行为,不具有官方身份。台湾当局立即要求菲律宾政府承认南沙群岛属于中国领土,制止克洛马的非法行为。同时,台湾当局派海军巡航南沙群岛,在太平岛驻军,劝离克洛马探险队,来巩固对南沙群岛的司法管辖权。美国政府要求台湾当局通过和平谈判,避免流血冲突。不甘心失败,克洛马拟要求联合国仲裁南沙群岛争端。  相似文献   

9.
1905年日俄战争之后,日本在南满控制区域内的铁路、港口中心城市大力推进公共卫生事业,与此同时,中国官府也积极创办当地公共卫生事业,双方就公共卫生事业领导权展开激烈的竞争和较量,并在一定程度上改善了某些特定区域的卫生环境。然而,由于这是一种扩张/反抗的展开模式,在疾病治疗和预防疾病之外被赋予了更多的政治考量,致使城市贫民区与乡村的医疗卫生条件并未得到重点关注和大量投入,很长一段时间内该地区仍然疾病丛生,恶性传染病蔓延。在这个意义上,日本推进的公共卫生事务自然有其殖民主义扩张、帝国主义统治处心积虑、老谋深算的一面,中国官府和社会的自强卫生、救国医学则或可被视为一种不得已的推进方式。  相似文献   

10.
In recent publications and as an ongoing project I have been pursuing the idea that public health and infectious disease control have been part of the legal and technical constitution of 'undesirable' and prohibited entrants: an under-recognised means by which individuals and certain populations have been specifically classified and excluded from the territory and body politic of Australia. This article surveys and summarises these ideas and points to some of the recent redirections. These include a growing interest in the legacy of twentieth-century medico-legal border control on current (highly discriminating) regulations governing entry; a concern to make admissions under immigration and health law and regulation conceptually central; and the more familiar focus on race-based exclusions. Overall, my aim is to integrate the history of health and infectious disease control into the already extensive study of immigration and citizenship. Part of the effect of joint infectious disease and immigration regulation over the twentieth century has been the imagining, as well as the technical implementation of the island-nation as ostensibly secure, racially and territorially.  相似文献   

11.
In 1943, the United States began to consider the issue of the world order after the end of World War II; at that time, the status of the islands in the South China Sea remained undetermined. Towards the end of the war, a US policy-planning document on this issue favored either returning the islands to one of the parties claiming sovereignty or placing the islands under international trusteeship once the war ended. Immediately after the end of World War II, the United States withdrew its support for an international trusteeship, and it did not back up any single party’s claim of sovereignty over the islands. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the United States did not clarify its stance on the issue of sovereignty over the South China Sea islands, hoping the eventual outcome would not favor the newly founded People’s Republic of China. Finally, the San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951, signed under the guidance of the United States, stipulated only that Japan relinquish the islands, but failed to identify who would take them over. The San Francisco Peace Treaty signaled the formation of the official US policy towards disputes over the islands in the South China Sea.  相似文献   

12.
ABSTRACT

In this article, we aim to draw attention to the hopes, frustrations and disillusions that so-called ‘transitional justice’ projects produce in drastically poor, war-torn, historically marginalized but politicized Indigenous communities. Drawing on extensive ethnographic research we conducted separately between 1982 and 2010 in Guatemala and Mexico, we describe the ways in which the world came to know about Finca San Francisco’s massacre, committed by the Guatemalan army on 17 July 1982, as part of its scorched earth policy. We then look at the various forms of reparations its survivors have been the subject of. In so doing, we focus more specifically on how the Center for Human Rights Legal Action (CALDH), the non-governmental human rights organization that was behind the Ríos Montt genocide case, mobilized Finca San Francisco’s massacre survivors to become participants in the trial. After examining how the survivors of Finca San Francisco responded to CALDH’s mobilization efforts, we reflect on the kind of ‘gift’ these survivors expected in return for their stories of annihilation and destruction. Our goal is to bring to light the ‘economy of testimony’ that human rights activists, journalists or social scientists become entangled in once they ask genocide survivors to testify about the brutal deaths of their loved ones.  相似文献   

13.
This paper explores the mythic domesticity encoded in the Children's Quarter in Golden Gate Park, San Francisco. The play area, opened in 1888, represented a new genre of gender-specific public space developed in urban parks in the late nineteenth century. In welcoming women to the public domain of the urban park, gendered spaces such as the Children's Quarter signified a complex response to changing class and gender identities in the nineteenth-century city. Imposing a domestic structure on women's public presence, the Children's Quarter modeled a middle-class domestic ideal, affirming women's essential association with the private sphere even as it welcomed them to the public sphere of the urban park.  相似文献   

14.
战后印度制定了它的对日媾和政策,其中要求中苏参加和会。这与美国的主张背道而驰。而后,印关间进行反复交涉,最终印度从本国利益和本国外交理念出发,拒绝参加旧金山和会。但它却于会后不久即同日本谈判和约之事。总之印度执行的是一种中间路线。  相似文献   

15.
This article discusses the legal context in which health research of undocumented Mexicans takes place. Two lines of inquiry are brought together: the national debate on undocumented immigration and the maturing research on the health of Mexican Americans. Because of the politicized nature of immigration status, “immigration” is ignored as an explanatory variable. Several potential outcomes are examined, such as “ghost” programming and increased public health risks.  相似文献   

16.
With a few exceptions, the existing scholarship on the relationship between the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) and Irish nationalism has largely overlooked the experiences of the Irish diaspora. This article seeks to redress this neglect by exploring the ways in which Irish nationalism has historically been produced, reproduced and contested amongst members of the GAA in the USA. In light of their status as focal points of Irish immigration and as centres of Gaelic games activity in America, the article focuses on the cities of Boston, New York, Chicago and San Francisco. It draws on extensive archival and interview research conducted in each locale since 2000 and reveals that while intensely politicised and ethnic versions of Irish nationalism have historically weaved their way through US branches of the Association, since the mid-1990s there have been a number of socio-economic and political developments both in Ireland and in America that have seen the GAA begin to articulate a more civic, less ethnically bounded version of Irish nationalism.  相似文献   

17.
Jon May  Paul Cloke 《对极》2014,46(4):894-920
Hegemonic accounts of urban homelessness, focusing on attempts to restrict homeless people's presence in public space, stress the punitive nature of current homelessness policy. In contrast, in this paper we explore the “messy middle ground” of the UK homeless services system. Examining Stacey Murphy's (2009) (Antipode 41(2):305–325) arguments regarding a shift to a “post‐revanchist” era in San Francisco, we chart the apparent similarities between developments in San Francisco and changes to the management of street homelessness bought in to effect by the New Labour government in the UK, and assess the extent to which such developments might be read as holding in tension more obviously punitive and supportive trends usually viewed as necessarily oppositional. In the final part of the paper we present a re‐reading of recent changes to the management of street homelessness in the UK through a postsecular lens. We suggest that this lens provides the possibility for a much more optimistic reading of homeless services and of the grammars of homelessness and urban (in)justice more broadly, and make the case for an alternative mode of academic attentiveness open to sometimes subtle and smaller‐scale yet nonetheless important examples of different ways of understanding and doing.  相似文献   

18.
曹树基 《近代史研究》2012,(2):65-75,160,161
1944—1947年滇西鼠疫之流行,在当时被认为源于缅甸境内,或源于日军的细菌战。但1940年代公共卫生调查的证据并不能支撑这一结论,而1950年代的疫情调查,也没有认同这一说法。在1950年代中期鼠疫自然疫源地理论形成之前,人们对于一个地区鼠疫疫情的寂灭与复活,相当不解,遂将鼠疫疫情归咎为境外缅甸或日军散布的细菌。当时的调查员,为了使其调查符合这一预设的主题,不惜强解调查资料。这一研究中的缺失,为近年来鼠疫史研究中民族主义思潮的崛起,埋下了伏笔。  相似文献   

19.
The anti-tuberculosis campaign of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was an unprecedented display of medical authority and public health purview. With accumulating evidence that the disease disproportionately struck the poor, tuberculosis by the early decades of the century was perceived epidemiologically as embedded in individual practices including hygiene and domestic order. Tuberculosis was in a sense a trope for national degeneration, and as such it became the vehicle for a self-conscious thrust towards national renewal and moral regeneration. This paper uses a feminist Foucauldian framework in its analysis of the anti-tuberculosis campaign. In the case of San Francisco, efforts to combat tuberculosis centred in part on women in their roles as wives and mothers. Women were the gatekeepers of health because they were responsible for keeping the home clean and bacillus free. Not only did this focus become a medical legitimization of women's domestic duties, but it also became a discourse of citizenship. Whether explicitly or implicitly, physicians concentrated their attention on white middle class women in their messages of health maintenance. Within sanatoria, a primary agenda of tuberculosis treatment was the inculcation of middle class behaviour into the working class patients. The anti-tuberculosis campaign was thus a part of the early-twentieth-century project of nationhood where citizenship was largely calculated through the lens of class and race.  相似文献   

20.
Around the year 1891, four theatres were established in the Guangzhou Prefecture. Three were located in the provincial city of Guangzhou, and one was in the town of Foshan. For a long time, Chinese operas were, on most occasions, performed either in private gardens or in public outdoor spaces. We may presume that the rise of these theatres as an urban phenomenon in the late nineteenth century would ultimately transform the form and style of opera performance in one way or another. However, material concerning the above-mentioned theatres is too limited for us to understand their buildings, furnishings, stage and seat arrangements, lighting and sound effects, and other related aspects. It is therefore very difficult for us to explore the possible connection between the physical elements of these theatres and the style of opera performances. Fortunately, in the mid-nineteenth century, some Cantonese merchants who were active in San Francisco hired a number of opera troupes from Guangzhou to travel to San Francisco and perform in American theatres. Some years later, they even built their own theatres in China Town especially for the performance of Chinese opera. English materials describing these overseas performances and theatres allow us to have some idea of what a Chinese theatre might be like, and to speculate how these overseas experiences may have left an impact on local opera troupes back in Guangzhou.  相似文献   

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