流动性政治的地理学研究：缘起与议题

流动性是连接人、地、物并传达意义的方式,同时也是接触和理解世界的一种方式。改革开放以来,中国已经历并将继续经历深刻的社会转型,流动性成为中国当前社会发展的显著特征。地理学对流动性的关注始于交通地理学和城市地理学,着重对流动的机制与效率进行探讨。20世纪90年代的“流动转向”引发了学界对“流动”问题的反思,“新流动性范式”应运而生,流动现象背后的差异化、公平正义等社会文化问题日益受到重视,“流动性政治”的概念由此诞生,并成为新流动性范式研究中富涵学术与实践价值的一项重要议题。地理学认为流动性已成为空间、地方、网络、尺度和领土之外的一个重要概念,需将其置于地理学科研究的中心并关注多样化的流动实践及其蕴含的丰富意义。本文系统梳理了关于“流动性政治”的学术进展,从流动性治理中的政治角逐、流动中的情感、体验与适应、流动作为一种增加资本的方式、流动权力博弈的中介与产物四个维度对相关文献进行系统分析,同时结合中国特定社会文化情境对一带一路和交通强国建设、流动性政治视角下的地缘政治研究等方向进行了讨论,以期为中国本土人文地理学的研究提供新的视角。     

THE LIMITS OF OTTOMAN PRAGMATISM

In this paper I reflect critically on the concept of pragmatism as it is used in Ottoman historiography. Pragmatism has gained increasing currency over the last ten to fifteen years as one of the defining features of the Ottoman polity. I argue that unless it is properly defined from a theoretical‐philosophical perspective, and carefully contextualized from a historical perspective, pragmatism cannot be used as an explanatory or comparative category. When used as a framework of explanation for historical change, pragmatism blurs more than it clarifies an essential aspect of the Ottoman polity that it seeks to define, namely, the political. It is essential to reflect on the difference between the political and politics because whereas the political refers to the configuration of the power relations that organize a society as a legitimate entity, politics refers to the strategies, practices, institutions, or discourses whose purpose is to construct and retain hegemony within a polity. Through an analysis of the concept of pragmatism in Ottoman historiography, I show that for most proponents of Ottoman pragmatism, pragmatism pertains to politics rather than to the political. From a perspective rigorously confined to political theory, I argue that much like the discourse of modern tolerance, pragmatism in Ottoman historiography posits a problematic periodization, relegates the political to the background, and depoliticizes essential power relations.     

Guanhua,Guoyu, and Putonghua: Politics and “proper names” for standard language in modern China

ABSTRACT

Guanhua (official language), Guoyu (national language), and Putonghua (common language) are generally regarded as different names for the same thing in different eras, but from the perspective of cultural history, there are many subtle semantic differences between these three concepts, symbolizing how different social classes and political groups defined their particular experiences, expectations, and efforts to take action. Guoyu, which replaced Guanhua in the late Qing Dynasty, is closely bound up with the construction of modern nationalism. In the 1930s, leftist intellectuals imbued Putonghua with strong proletariat attributes and overtones of indigenous and ethnic equality, wielding it as a tool for critiques against Guoyu. Although Putonghua returned to certain key positions of Guoyu after the mid-1950s, it putatively emphasized the legacy of the leftist language movement, and represented a new political identity. Through these “proper names” for the standard language, it was possible not only to launch a political and social “revolution,” but also to smooth over the historical rifts that this engendered, by repeatedly revising the concepts of “written” and “standard” to form a linear national narrative.     

Spatial analysis of bureaucrats’ attempts to resist political capture in a developing democracy: The distribution of solar panels in Ghana

Can civil servants in a developing democracy successfully resist political capture in the distribution of public goods? Existing research tends to highlight political patronage logics of distribution, and scholarship focuses primarily on politicians’ motivations. But service decisions are often made by bureaucrats, who sometimes explicitly try to avoid capture and allocate on the basis of need. Using qualitative interviews and spatial regressions with geo-coded data from a solar panel program in Ghana, we examine such a situation. We show that, despite considerable efforts to thwart it, national-level civil servants were unable to fully resist political capture. While solar panel distribution partially corresponded to need for electricity, we find that panels also went to areas where voter turnout was historically inconsistent, likely to motivate voter turnout. The direction of these relationships was consistent across subnational space, but the magnitudes varied considerably and were strongest in districts adjacent to Lake Volta. Qualitative data analysis reveals that this subnational variation reflects the logistics of space and the historical politics of place. The article contributes to theories of distributive politics and of voting behavior, and highlights the need for subnational disaggregation across space.     

战国秦汉觯、卮、樽辨析

樽、卮(含觯、卮两种器物)很容易被混淆,我们通过综合传世文献、出土文献、考古出土实物三方面材料,认为觯、卮共存且器形有别,觯附三足,卮为平底,且觯的等级高于卮,目前考古出土的玉卮应为玉觯.通过数据分析,我们发现樽与觯的区分要点是容器的径高比差异,樽口大腹浅,便于盛取液体,而觯口小腹深,便于饮用液体.     

试论塞瑟尔的"新君主制"学说

在文艺复兴时期的西欧,法国的宫廷大臣、著名的政治思想家克劳德·得·塞瑟尔根据现实社会的变动,提出了系统的"新君主制"学说.在肯定君主制的价值时,他鼓吹"王权神授",但却着重于从人性的角度来强调君主制的优越性.在对"明君政治"的憧憬中,他界定了一些君主应当遵循的政治行为规范,特别强调君主实施仁政,建立各等级之间的"和谐"秩序,并提出了等级变动的合理性.同时,塞瑟尔主张君主让各等级代表参政议政,建立"君主咨政会议制".他还提出"有限君权"的主张,力图以教会、"正义"与国家法令来遏止君主的暴政.此外,他还要求君主灵活地进行外交,积极进行殖民扩张.塞氏的政治学说充满着"过渡时期"社会所赋予的复杂性与矛盾性,但受时代变迁的感召与人文主义的熏陶,他突破传统的藩篱,提出了适应民族国家发展与新兴资产阶级成长之需要的"新君主制"学说.他的政治理想,反映了西方政治思想从中世纪向近代转型的历史趋势.     

晚清大词人况周颐笔记中的故宫学史料──以光绪朝宫中元旦典礼史料为例

故宫学是一门方兴未艾的综合性学科,郑欣淼先生曾经指出,故宫学的研究范围大致有六个方面,包括故宫古建筑(紫禁城)、故宫博物院所收藏的百万件文物、宫廷历史文化遗存、明清档案、清宫典籍以及近八十年的故宫博物院的历程。本文内容属于上述第三个研究范畴"宫廷历史文化遗存"。作者拟透过对晚清大词人况周颐的一则故宫史料笔记的初步考察,说明历史文献是研究故宫宫廷历史文化遗存最不可或缺的领域,而曾经在京任官的文人及其集部著作,正是研究这个范围的故宫学亟待系统发掘、整理和研究的文献史料根源之一。     

“地支”字原义初探

本主要在前人研究基础之上梳理与发明“地支”字的原初意义及其与之相对应的“十二生肖”之关系,并由此揭示“地支”排序的意义,以及“地支”字、“十二生肖”分别透露出的古人生产方式与当时的生存意识。     

放射性碳素测定年代报告(三四)

本报告发表的是中国社会科学院考古研究所考古科技实验研究中心碳十四实验室在2006年到2007年期间测定的30个考古数据。数据表示方式同此前所发报告。为方便应用另做几点说明如下。1.碳十四年代半衰期按5568年计算。2.校正年代所用程序为OxCal,校正曲线为1998年公布版本。3.与以往报告相同,所给年代误差范围均为±16,年代范围的概率分布为68.2%。4.由于树轮年代校正曲线各区段形状不同,校     

元末黄河中游地区的政治形势与军阀集团

元末,北方两大军事集团的活动对当时的政治产生了重要影响。军阀集团严重削弱了政府的行政能力。在南方红巾军割据的同时,形成了另一种形式的割据。尽管元廷为恢复权威与控制能力进行过努力,但最终军阀集团的斗争在事实上瓦解了元朝的统治。     

妀善鼎年代与国别质疑——兼谈箕国灭亡时间

妀善鼎的年代或以为是战国早期,或以为是春秋早期,从该鼎的纹饰、器形、铭文字体来看,其年代最有可能是春秋晚期,或提前至春秋中期后段。该鼎的国别旧被认为是山东纪国,但是春秋早期之时这个位于山东的姜姓纪国已经被齐国所灭,金文中以""为国名者尚有一个箕国,此国春秋晚期尚存,且地望与燕国临近,两国关系密切。器主自称"妟生",金文中"妟"声之字常读为"燕","妟生"意即燕国之甥。从鼎的年代以及器主自称两方面考虑,妀善鼎应属于箕国,该鼎的出现也证明了箕国的灭亡应在春秋中期以后,合于《路史》"春秋犹有箕、崇之国"的记载。