The admission of former slaves into churches and monasteries: reaching behind the sources

Religious institutions in early medieval Europe were both recipients of former slaves and instigators of manumissions. By drawing on recent work concerning the admission of former slaves into churches and monasteries, the present paper identifies dominant strands in the historiography from Marc Bloch to the present, which are then re-evaluated in light of a close examination of core sources. The paper argues that while the contention that such institutions were the primary beneficiaries of manumissions can indeed be sustained, there are also important moderating nuances to take into account. These include slaves of churches who were freed but continued to live on the churches' lands; alternatives to ‘formal' manumission; distinctions between churches and monasteries in regard to the admission of former slaves; convergences between Roman law and canon law; and, in the sixth century, the direct involvement of both the papacy and the imperial court in establishing a regulating template for admitting former slaves.     

Foreign Languages in the Elementary Schools of Richmond,Virginia

The medieval hunt and hunting manuals have been studied by historians as sources for the history of medieval science and geography, and for their insights into the daily lives of the elite societies that practiced hunting as a ritualized sport. This article examines two medieval hunting manuals, Juan Manuel’s Libro de la caza, and the Libro de la montería, commissioned by King Alfonso XI of Castile, and King Alfonso X’s law code, the Siete partidas, for their rhetorical and ideological portrayals of hunting and falconry as expressions of aristocratic power and sovereignty over the natural world. The article concludes with a study of an imagined debate between the merits of falconry and hunting with hounds in the Libro de la caza and Libro de la montería that sheds light on Juan Manuel and Alfonso’s competing views on nobility, informed by the political history of war and rebellion that shaped the lives of both men.     

Algunas reflexiones en torno al término latín en la documentación alfonsí

This study examines the development of linguistic consciousness in thirteenth-century Hispano-Romance by analyzing the relationship between the terms latín and romance in works sponsored by Alfonso X. In the article, the author demonstrates that numerous lexical items (e.g., injuria, negligencia, suspensión, inquisición) were already a part of Romance vocabulary despite their labeling as latín in the Alfonsine texts ("iniuria en latin tanto quiere dezir en romançe commo desonrra que es fecha o dicha aotro a tuerto o a despreçiamiento del," Siete Partidas). Framed within the (later stages of the) "complex monolingualism" approach proposed by Roger Wright, the author also argues that, as Hispano-Romance speakers in Castile expanded their cultural knowledge, the term latín became associated with the areas from which vocabulary was taken to supply new scientific or pseudo-scientific expressions. The designation latín, in the contexts under scrutiny, was perceived not as a language but as a lexical register marker in the higher sociolects of the vernacular.     

“Bringing Light to our Land… When She was Dark as Night”: Northerners,Freedpeople, and Education during Military Occupation in North Carolina, 1862–1865

When Union armies arrived in eastern North Carolina in 1862, they encountered escaped slaves eager to acquire education. Soon after the armies occupied the region, missionaries and teachers arrived seeking to educate and uplift these former slaves. They brought their own preconceptions of helpless blacks, and a blind confidence in a New England system of education. But they also brought very different ideas of how the educational mission should be accomplished. Disagreements led to conflicts within the benevolent societies, replete with nasty bickering, reprisals for insults, and much uncivil behavior. During wartime occupation, freedpeople utilized their northern benefactors to gain autonomy over their lives and institutions. However, given the often combative nature of the northerners’ relationships with each other, it is remarkable that the freedpeople were able to acquire the educational skills and degree of autonomy that they did.     

Tartars in Spain: renaissance slavery in the Catalan city of Manresa,c.1408

This article presents a summary and analysis of the slaves and slave owners who were living in a particular late medieval city at a particular time. The data for this overview comes from the 1408 Liber Manifesti of Manresa, a tax document which is quite similar to the Florentine Catasto of 1427. Unlike the Catasto, however, the Liber Manifesti consistently designates slaves as distinct from other servants. As a result, the Manresan document allows us to know many basic but often elusive figures such as the total number of slaves in our town, the proportion of slaves to free people, the percentage of households who owned slaves, the proportion of women and children amongst slaves, and even the market value of female, male, and child slaves vis à vis the cost of hiring a domestic servant. Access to such an unusually complete sample also enables us to make some fresh assertions about the extent and nature of renaissance slavery as a whole. Several of Iris Origo's influential observations, which still stand as a benchmark of renaissance slavery some 50 years after they were presented, are here both corroborated and challenged. For example, to what extent did renaissance slave owners pair male slaves with female slaves, as Origo's anecdotal evidence suggested? Our sample also provides invaluable data on the wealth, occupations, and family background of slave owners. We can gain some insight into the phenomenon of women as slave owners, and also coordinate slave owning with urban political power. In addition we can suggest an answer to the elusive question of just how much of a ‘luxury item’ slaves really were in the post-Black Death Mediterranean. In Manresa, as it turns out, slave owners were anything but a uniform block of ‘wealthy townspeople.’     

Sailors and Slaves: The ‘Poor Enslaved Tar’ in Naval Reform and Nautical Melodrama

This article explores the rhetorical comparison of naval sailors' exploitation to that of African slaves in pre- and early-Victorian discourses on naval reform. It is structured around an analysis of J.T. Haines's nautical melodrama My Poll and My Partner Joe (first performed 1835), in which the hero, having been press-ganged by the navy, risks his life freeing enslaved Africans on the Middle Passage even though he considers himself a slave to his nation. This plot was both timely and provocative: first performed in the immediate aftermath of the illegalization of slavery in Britain's colonies, it dramatizes an analogy between slaves and sailors that was contested by campaigners for naval reform and their opponents. Ultimately, My Poll and My Partner Joe palliates radical commentary on sailors' rights, in its second and third acts, as the sailor patriotically celebrates his freedom in antithesis to African slavery. Rather than read its denouement simply as romantic escapism, I argue that it proposes resolutions to conflicts that had arisen in British understandings of slavery and freedom, and racial and national identity, as a result of the debate on naval reform. To researchers of imperial, humanitarian, and working-class cultures and identities of the nineteenth century, this article reveals the underlying importance of ‘race’ and slavery to debates on maritime labour. It further highlights the complex, dialectical character of pre- and early-Victorian representations of sailors – on the stage and beyond it.     

US Empire and the Project of Women's Studies: Stories of citizenship,complicity and dissent

This essay charts some of the most urgent challenges feminists confront in relation to imperialism, militarization, and corporate globalization in the USA. It insists on the necessity of feminist anti-imperialist praxis, specifically in the context of the academic and non-academic projects engendered by Women's Studies scholarship and teaching in North America. An analysis of the Abu Ghraib events illustrates the deeply gendered, racial, and sexualized national practices of US military culture and the Bush/Cheney war state. The essay calls for feminist engagement with a US imperial (not just democratic in promissory terms) state by connecting domestic with foreign policy issues. Suggesting that the US academy is profoundly implicated in the current project of empire, the essay further analyzes the place of Women's Studies and its history of contested citizenship projects as a crucial site of feminist anti-imperialist praxis. It seeks to make an important distinction between feminist practice that is complicit in the project of empire, and radical, anti-imperialist feminisms anchored in a politics of dissent.

El Imperio Americano y el Proyecto de Estudios de Mujeres: Sobre las políticas de complicidad y disidente

Este artículo traza algunos de los desafíos más urgentes que se confrontan feministas en cuenta al imperialismo, militarización, y globalización corporativa en los Estados Unidos. Se insita en la necesidad de una praxis feminista antiimperialista, específicamente in el contexto de los proyectos académicos y no académicos que se engendran por la erudición y la instrucción de Estudios de Mujeres en Norte América. Una análisis de los eventos de Abu Ghraib ilustra que los prácticos de la militaría Americana y del estado guerrero de Bush/Cheney son hondamente racializado, sexualizado, y generificado. Este artículo llama para un debate feminista con el estado Americano imperial (no solo democrático en termas promisorio) que se conecta los problemas domésticos e internacionales de políticas. Sugiriéndose que la academia Americana es profundamente implicado en el proyecto actual del Imperio, este artículo analice, además, que el lugar de Estudios de Mujeres y su historia de proyectos contra-hegemónicos de ciudadanías como sitios cruciales para la praxis feminista antiimperialista. Este artículo trata de hacer una distinción importante entre la practica feminista, lo que es involucrado en el proyecto del Imperio, y las feminismas radicales, antiimperialistas que se fondean en una política de disidente.     

The Millennial of Castile (1943): the historical culture of Spanish Fascism

The creation of new symbols and historical myths were common practices of nationalist politics, especially in Fascist regimes. In 1943 the Franco regime organized the most impressive historical commemoration celebrated in post-war Spain: the Milenario of Castile. With its heterogeneous mixture of history and spectacle, the Milenario of Castile was by far the greatest historical commemoration promoted by the State during the 1940s. Taking the commemoration of the Milenario as a case study, this article examines the historical culture of Spanish Fascism, as well as the attempts of the Falangist intellectual elite to impose a concrete national narrative in post-war Spain. At the same time, the article analyses the historical discourses and aesthetics displayed throughout the commemoration, underlining its Fascist character, and consequently the transnational dimension of the Fascist politics of the past. Finally, the article reflects on the scope and limits of the process of Fascistisation in Franco's dictatorship, especially in its commemorative culture.     

The Imperial War Relief Fund and the All British Appeal: Commonwealth,Conflict and Conservatism within the British Humanitarian Movement, 1920–25

This article explores the intersection of internationalist and imperial humanitarian ideals in the aftermath of the First World War via a case study of a hitherto overlooked humanitarian organisation—the Imperial War Relief Fund. In an era of increased international collaboration between humanitarian organisations, the Imperial War Relief Fund instead promoted an imperial approach, seeking to unite the ‘efforts of the dominions and mother country’ for the relief of Europeans suffering the effects of the First World War. The Fund was enthusiastically supported in Britain by a number of leading conservative public figures, who hoped that an empire-wide humanitarian campaign might guard against imperial disintegration and reverse Britain's perceived loss of prestige in the postwar order. Despite its initial successes, the Imperial Fund was subsequently usurped by British humanitarian organisations which were more internationalist in their outlook and rhetoric, most significantly the Save the Children Fund. This did not represent, however, a straightforward displacement of imperial co-ordination in favour of more internationally focused humanitarian action. Rather, the Save the Children Fund was able to draw support away from the Imperial Fund only by echoing its imperial rhetoric. This article argues, therefore, that, while the Imperial Fund was a relatively short-lived venture, its lasting legacy was to ensure that the British humanitarian movement was a space in which notions of Britain's imperial status, and its concomitant duties, would survive within an humanitarian landscape in which internationalist ideals were increasingly prevalent.     

Youth and Decolonial Politics in a Relational Context

The lives of children and young people are conditioned in important ways by the imperial and colonial intimacies that have shaped our world. Yet, we know relatively little about how they encounter and comprehend the histories, legacies, and continuities of colonisation and racial capitalism, nor how this comes to shape their political orientations and practices. This article introduces a series of five papers that examine the everyday practices, reflections, and desires of young people in different parts of the world as they seek to understand where they fit in imperial constellations that cross generations, borders, and oceans.     

Cranial Variation and Biodistance in Three Imperial Roman Cemeteries

Ancient Roman populations are expected to exhibit considerable biological variation because of extensive trade networks and migration patterns throughout Europe and the circum‐Mediterranean. The purpose of this research is to examine regional biological variation in Italy during imperial Roman times (1st to 3rd centuries ad ) using three samples exhibiting distinctive class and economic systems. The individuals buried at Isola Sacra and Velia represent middle‐class tradesmen and merchants from coastal port populations from Central and Southern Italy, respectively, while the individuals from Castel Malnome represent an inland population near Rome of freed slaves and other lower‐class individuals involved in heavy labour associated with salt production. Data were recorded from 25 three‐dimensional cranial coordinate landmarks and analysed using Procrustes superimposition and associated multivariate statistics in MorphoJ. Procrustes analysis of variance statistics were unable to detect any significant group differences for centroid size (p  = 0.595), but did detect differences in shape (p  = 0.0154), suggesting some variation between the three samples. Canonical variates analyses based on Procrustes distance values suitable for small sample sizes indicated that while Castel Malnome was not significantly different from either of the coastal sites (Isola Sacra, p  = 0.2071 and Velia, p  = 0.8015), Isola Sacra and Velia were significantly different (p  = 0.0119). The similarity of Castel Malnome to the other sites may reflect inherent heterogeneity in the sample, as it represents a group of freed slaves likely originating from various geographic locations. The separation of the two coastal sites is not unexpected, as Velia's location was influenced by an influx of Greek populations in the southern Italian Peninsula. This work supports previous studies using traditional craniometrics and dental metrics showing group similarity across the Italian Peninsula and a separation between more northern and southern groups. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

‘Layered Networks’: Imperial Philanthropy in Birmingham and Sydney, 1860–1914

Traditionally, histories of philanthropy have adopted a nationalist focus. Influenced by new imperial history, this article seeks to move beyond national borders by placing metropolitan and colonial philanthropic practices in a single frame of analysis. This approach facilitates not only a comparison of philanthropic activities in two specific sites, Birmingham and Sydney, but a broader analysis of how philanthropic practices in both sites were shaped by ideas in constant flow between Britain, its colonies and the wider world. Evidence from various charities in Birmingham and Sydney reveal the existence of ‘layered networks’ spanning the local, national, imperial and global. As such, this article aims to extend the work of transnational/cross-border histories and geographical networks, by retaining a sense of the local.     

Textiles and Farewells: Revisiting the Grave Goods of King Alfonso VIII of Castile and Queen Eleanor Plantagenet

This paper commemorates the eighth centenary of the deaths of King Alfonso VIII of Castile and his Queen, Eleanor Plantagenet (d. 1214) who founded the Abbey of Santa María la Real de Las Huelgas (Burgos) and were buried there. It examines how their grave goods were categorised and aims to address recent misconceptions related to the original locations and functions of these textiles and the techniques with which they were made. The outcome of this analysis of original sources and the textiles themselves is a major reassessment of where these grave goods were located in the thirteenth century: seven textile items, including clothing, have been allocated to the King instead of only one, and thirty-eight have been allocated to the Queen instead of fourteen, while three have been removed from this category.     

‘The realities of power’: David Stoll and the story of the 1982 Guatemalan genocide

ABSTRACT

In a short opinion piece published in late 2013, anthropologist David Stoll claimed that genocide did not occur in Guatemala under the military dictatorship of José Efraín Ríos Montt (1982–83), that the charges against the former general and his subsequent conviction were unsubstantiated, and that human rights conditions for the country’s Indigenous peoples, including the Ixil population of northern Quiché department, actually improved under his government. By looking at the definition of protected groups under the United Nations Genocide Convention, and such basic notions as perpetrator motives and intent in international humanitarian law, this article will address Stoll’s latest contribution to a ‘counter-narrative by Guatemalans who perceive that their side of the story [was] left out’ of the 2013 genocide trial.     

3. THE NOSTALGIAS FOR EMPIRE

The aim of this article is to explore the theoretical and practical differences between colonial and imperial nostalgia. It opens with a substantial theoretical discussion of the relevant scholarship followed by an analysis of the nostalgias of empire. Nostalgia, in relation to empire, is usually analyzed as a longing for a period of former imperial and colonial glory, thus blurring the various hegemonic practices associated with empire. This elision arises out of the fact colonialism was integral to European imperialism. Yet there is a significant distinction between imperial and colonial nostalgia. With its main focus on postcolonial society in France and Britain, the article will theorize the differences between them, arguing that one is connected to the loss of global power and the other to the loss of a socioeconomic lifestyle. It will explore the way in which these two types of nostalgia are constructed and historicized, examining their differences from historical memory through the responses of both former colonizing and colonized individuals or groups. It will demonstrate that collective nostalgia is not merely a “feel‐good” sentiment about an idealized political or socioeconomic past, but can be readily connected to coming to terms with past trauma(s) thus being a mechanism to elide violence experienced and violence perpetrated by highlighting one to the detriment of the other.     

Challenging the grammar of difference: Benoy Kumar Sarkar,global mobility and anti-imperialism around the First World War

The new imperial history has advanced our understanding of empires in many ways: it enhanced a networked interpretation of empires, brought space back into the discussion, and suggested a fresh reading of imperial careers to comprehend early forms of global inter-dependencies. This article discusses selected aspects of the life and work of Benoy Kumar Sarkar (1887–1949), a Bengali social scientist and political activist, to illustrate that anti-imperial biographies were simultaneously rooted in local as well as transnational spaces. They thus connected national struggles with globe-spanning processes. Biographies like this are underacknowledged in their meaning for how empires functioned and failed, and in their potential for understanding transnational actors. Sarkar’s efforts to challenge the legitimacy of the British Empire were the result of his life in a transnational social field, which was equally shaped by his extensive experience abroad and his continuous rootedness in local Bengali affairs. Sarkar’s anti-imperialism was enhanced by the mobility structures of the British Empire and resulted in new constellations of imperial, cosmopolitan, local and regional orientations and attachments. In this view, anti-imperialism was less the result of local struggles but of life practices reaching beyond the borders of the empire and a high awareness of acting in a global context that located its protagonists in numerous social and spatial contexts.     

The bishop and the Basques: The diocese of Calahorra and the Basque provinces of Alava and Vizcaya under Bishop Rodrigo Cascante, 1147–1190

Under Bishop Rodrigo Cascante (1147–90), the northern Iberian diocese of Calahorra made its first significant administrative inroads into Alava and Vizcaya since its nominal assimilation of those Basque provinces around 1090. An examination into the fluctuating history of Calahorra's administrative penetration of its Basque provinces during this period highlights the extreme difficulty of this undertaking, which was severely hampered by the opposition of a strong Basque regional nobility. It also reveals a close connection between the fluctuations that characterized Calahorra's administrative fortunes north of the Ebro and the see's turbulent political context, defined by its position straddling a volatile frontier between Castile, Navarre and Aragon. Finally, it provides a useful opportunity to analyse Rodrigo Cascante's changing relationships with the secular powers that competed for the territory of his Riojan see. This analysis leads to the conclusion that the bishop of Calahorra was not a passive partner in these relationships, but actively adjusted his stance with respect to the crowns of Castile and Aragon, primarily in function of how well they did, or might, contribute to the realization of his Basque agenda.     

996 and all that: the Norman peasants' revolt reconsidered

Early in the reign of Richard II of Normandy (996–1026), a peasant movement, usually described as a revolt, was suppressed. This paper re‐examines the evidence of William of Jumièges, Wace and an anonymous history of Fécamp. It argues that the movement cannot be securely dated to 996, was not a military enterprise, and was not revolutionary. Peasants attempted to mobilize quasi‐Carolingian assembly practices in order to gain concessions concerning specific economic issues, but did not seek to re‐order their society. The movement probably affected the Seine valley, rather than encompassing all of Normandy.     

Imperialism and nationalism: The Home Rule struggle and border creation in Ireland, 1885–1925

This article explores relationships between imperialism and nationalism, illustrated by their interactions in the struggle over devolved Irish ‘Home Rule’ and partition between 1885 and 1925. Ireland's partition border was primarily an imperial creation shaped by the prolonged, complex and unequal interactions between Irish nationalism and British imperialism. But partition was by no means an inevitable outcome of a mutually constitutive and ambiguous relationship where British imperialism had long characterised Ireland as a frontier zone but one within the core of empire. The Irish case serves as a reminder of the role of imperial arbitration in modern state and nation-building, and also in sowing the seeds of contemporary conflicts. This argument draws on the recent ‘re-discovery of imperialism’ and is advanced as a corrective to reading history backwards through the lenses of contemporary national states. It challenges the tendency to draw overly sharp temporal and spatial distinctions between imperialism and nationalism as rival ideologies and practices.     

The Non‐Adult Cohort from Le Morne Cemetery,Mauritius: A Snap Shot of Early Life and Death after Abolition

The cemetery of Le Morne in Mauritius dates from the 1830s and is thought to contain the remains of slaves, freed slaves or potentially free Madagascans, which in itself has economic and social implications and makes the cemetery all the more intriguing. During 2010, excavations recovered the remains of 11 individuals, of which six were children. Although a small sample, the burials of the non‐adults show several interesting features. Two neonates were buried contemporaneously and may have been twins, while a late term foetus in a grave with a young woman may represent an incident of coffin birth. This sample has the potential to cast light on the burial practices of the slave/ex‐slave community in Mauritius, about which little is currently known. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.