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1.
In this paper, I examine how indigenous residents of the community of Achiutla—located in the Mixtec region of Oaxaca, Mexico—utilized long-distance trade routes between central Mexico and the Pacific coast, spanning the Postclassic (900–1521 CE) and Early Colonial (1522–1650 CE) periods. The maintenance of prehispanic interregional trade connections by native peoples allowed them to both continue traditional industries like those involving obsidian, while also facilitating their adoption of new types of material culture introduced from Europe. Over the long term, however, I suggest that entanglements in these economic networks had unintended consequences, which possibly included the demise of the prehispanic obsidian industry.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract

Michael D. Coe and Richard A. Diehl, In the Land of the Olmec, two volumes plus maps. Volume I, The Archaeology of San Lorenzo Tenochtitlan, 416 pp.; Volume II, The People of the River, 198 pp. The University of Texas Press, Austin, Texas 1980. 100.00.

The recent publication of a comprehensive report describing the excavations at San Lorenzo, Tabasco, Mexico, In the Land of the Olmec by Michael D. Coe and Richard A. Diehl, provides a significant contribution to Mesoamerican archaeology and a suitable opportunity to review the present status of Olmec studies. The development of Olmec archaeology is a relatively recent phenomenon, with the modern era of research beginning with Matthew Stirling's surveys and excavations at several sites in Mexico's Gulf Coast region (1938–1946), and continuing with the University of California at Berkeley's excavations at the site of La Venta in the mid-1950s. The report by Coe and Diehl of the San Lorenzo investigations (1966–1968) adds considerably to our understanding of the origins and other aspects of Olmec civilization. These contributions, together with several continuing gaps in our knowledge, are reviewed by a resume of Olmec chronology, archaeological remains, external connections, and the implications of the Olmec for the evolution of Mesoamerican civilization.  相似文献   

3.
Los Naranjos is one of the most important pre-Columbian human settlements of Honduras related to the south-easternmost border of the Mayan civilization. Although the archaeological site mostly spans from 850 BC to 1250 AD, the present obsidian study was only focused on the Preclassic and Early Classic periods (Jaral, 800–400 BC and Edén, 400 BC–550 AD) where undamaged blades and/or retouched obsidian flakes are rare. In this way, the INAA analyses of 17 obsidian samples, compared with major-trace elements data of Honduran and Guatemalan obsidian sources, are mostly representative of waste flakes. Lithic artifacts of Los Naranjos such as sandstones, basalts, and quartzites come from local geological outcrops; whereas, obsidian provenance has to be searched from sources which are located within a radius up to 300 km far away. San Luis, La Esperanza, and Güinope obsidian sources are located in Honduras while the three most exploited Highland Guatemalan obsidian outcrops, which have been dominating long-distance trade in the Maya area mostly for the Classic-Postclassic periods, are San Martin de Jilotepeque, El Chayal, and Ixtepeque. An Ixtepeque provenance, for all the investigated obsidian samples of Preclassic and Early Classic periods found in the Los Naranjos Archaeological Park, was established, thus emphasizing a long-distance source (180 km). This also confirms that Ixtepeque represents the most important provenance of the obsidian artifacts found in archaeological sites of Western and Central-Western Honduras. The possible role played by some of the most important rivers of Guatemala and Honduras as waterway networks of transport was finally pointed out. New INAA chemical data from the Honduran obsidian source of La Esperanza (“Los Hoyos”, 4 samples) are also reported in this paper.  相似文献   

4.
La Playa archaeological site in northern Sonora, Mexico contains a long record of human activity that includes the Paleoindian period (terminal Pleistocene) and much of the Holocene. The size and complexity of La Playa has discouraged a systematic characterization of its stratigraphy and geochronology, a deficiency we redress in the study. We distinguished seven stratigraphic units ranging in age from >44,570 to 400 cal yr B.P. using 14C dates from charcoal and terrestrial gastropods found mostly in archaeological features. All of the buried (in situ) cultural remains are contained in Units B (4690–1580 cal yr B.P.) and C (1010–400 cal yr B.P.) and represent overbank deposition from the nearby Rio Boquillas. Occupation at the site peaks in Units B4 and B5, corresponding to the Cienega phase (2800–1800 cal yr B.P.) of the Early Agricultural period. This period coincides with the growth of early agricultural villages in the region and is marked at La Playa by thousands of archaeological features including roasting pits, human burials, and extensive canal irrigation systems. The presence of semi-aquatic and aquatic snails demonstrates that water was present year round in the canal systems constructed during this period. Stable and radiometric isotopic evidence suggests that early agriculturalists diverted ground water over several kilometers from the nearby Rio Boquillas. The extensive Cienega phase occupation ended after about 1700 cal yr B.P. with deep erosion of the site, an event also visible in alluvial records in southern Arizona that marked the end of the Early Agricultural period and significant changes in settlement organization in the region.  相似文献   

5.
Mounting archaeological evidence suggests that floodplain resources, not maize (Zea mays) agriculture, were instrumental in the emergence of Early Formative (ca. 1500–900 uncal BC) complexity across Mesoamerica’s isthmian lowlands. The lion’s share of these data derives from the Pacific side of the isthmus; discussions of the Early Formative Olmec along Mexico’s southern Gulf lowlands have not kept pace. This paper presents settlement and subsistence data that highlight the role of floodplain resources in the development of Gulf Olmec politico-economic complexity. These data support a non-agricultural alternative to traditional models of Gulf Olmec emergence at San Lorenzo, the premier Early Formative Gulf lowlands center. Increased productivity of maize toward the end of the Early Formative period challenged San Lorenzo’s extant politico-economic basis, bringing about a short-term, hyper-acceleration of elite competitive displays. Ultimately, the adoption of maize agriculture generated a reorganized Middle Formative period (ca. 900–400 uncal BC) landscape in and around San Lorenzo. This agrarian adjustment saw occupation move out of the floodplain and into the upland areas, a process sometimes characterized as a cataclysmic system collapse in the Coatzacoalcos basin.  相似文献   

6.
Abstract

Studies on the Olmec frequently focus on large centers and monumental works of art, often ignoring the important role of peripheral sites in regional hierarchies. Recent investigations at the Early Formative period (900–1500 b.c., uncorrected radiocarbon years) site of El Remolino help balance this “elite centered” focus by collecting household and community level data at a habitation area away from the regional center of San Lorenzo. Subsurface testing and extensive excavations produced evidence of living surfaces, features, and refuse disposal patterns, which together with phytolith data improve our understanding of a lower order Olmec site. El Remolino was established in the San Lorenzo phase as a permanent settlement whose inhabitants pursued fishing, hunting, gathering, and plant cultivation. The degree to which this site was politically or economically dependent on the elite center of San Lorenzo is unknown.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract

Provenience analysis of a small sample of obsidian artifacts from Isla Cerritos, a Terminal Classic/Early Postclassic Itzá trading port on the north coast of Yucatán, indicates a wide range of raw material sources from Central Mexico to the Guatemalan Highlands. The overwhelming predominance of Central Mexican obsidian reinforces the notion that Isla Cerritos was the main trading port of Chichén Itzá. The analysis also provides an indirect approximation of the Itzá obsidian trade networks, which were heavily reliant on sources that may have been under the control of the Toltec capital at Tula.  相似文献   

8.
Book Reviews     
Abstract

Obsidian studies play an integral part in archaeology around the world, particularly in the Americas, but few archaeologists have employed obsidian studies to understand Native American life at historical archaeological sites. Yet, obsidian sourcing and hydration analysis can provide critical insights into site chronology and use, lithic recycling, and procurement and trade at contact and colonial sites. Obsidian geochemical sourcing and hydration analyses of a 19th-century rancho site in northern California have revealed new information on Native Americans who labored there in the second quarter of the 19th century. The obsidian data indicate a significant amount of lithic manufacture and use, a change in obsidian procurement in the 1800s, and an unprecedented number of obsidian sources represented on-site. The implications for general obsidian studies, as well as for regional archaeological issues, concern the problems with popular sourcing methods in northern California and the need to revisit current understandings of the first micron of hydration rim development.  相似文献   

9.
Bulk stable carbon isotope analysis on absorbed organic residues in ceramics can be an effective method for discerning patterns of maize use when the ceramics come from relatively uniform archaeological contexts. The bulk stable carbon isotope method is faster and less costly than the more commonly used compound-specific stable carbon isotope analysis. Moreover, the bulk stable carbon isotope method can determine the presence of C4 plant carbon in samples in which organic compounds have degraded. Bulk stable carbon isotope analysis was used to discern patterns of maize (Zea mays mays) use among a sample of 24 ceramic sherds from an Early Franco Period feasting deposit (ca. cal 650 B.C.) at the Olmec site of San Andrés, La Venta, Tabasco, Mexico. A comparison of the δ 13C results of different categories of ceramics showed that proportionally more maize was used in luxury beverage service wares than in utilitarian vessels, suggesting that maize-based beverages were prominent in this probable elite feasting episode.  相似文献   

10.
A combined near surface geophysical survey conducted in San Miguel Tocuila show that geophysical methods offer the possibility to characterize and reconstruct the geometry of subsurface structures without destroying the deposits, providing a way to find solutions to the questions of archaeological or engineering significance. The survey consisted of the application magnetometry, seismic refraction tomography (SRT) and ground penetrating radar (GPR) within a depth range of 10 m. Before Spanier conquest San Miguel Tocuila was a very prominent suburb of the main Aztec ceremonial complex located on the eastern margin of Lake Texcoco, central Mexico, where several mounds known as Tlateles in Nahuatl language have been identified. Nowadays, the rapid expansion of Mexico City's metropolitan area within the last four decades has strongly influenced Tocuila's environment and has compromised several of its archaeological and ancient human settlements. This study shows how the high resolution imagining of non-invasive geophysical methodologies in addition with surface archaeological studies [Parsons, J.R., 1971. Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Texcoco Region, Mexico. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Number 3] provide different kinds of information that characterize the subsoil and a buried structure. Based on the history of the ancient settlements in the zone and considering the characteristics of shape and height of the structure, we interpreted that the subsurface images obtained depict a buried Tlatel which corresponds to a ceremonial–civic center of Late Aztec times.  相似文献   

11.
Obsidian samples from the archaeological site of Lagartero, Chiapas, Mexico and other samples from Mexican and Guatemalan sources were analyzed by proton induced X-ray emission. Statistical treatments such as principal-component analyses were applied to the data set. Obsidians from Lagartero were identified as coming from two obsidian sources in Guatemala and one in Mexico, thus indicating that there was contact between people of Lagartero and other Mayans or Mesoamericans.  相似文献   

12.
Prehispanic Mesoamerican peoples collected, processed, and used bitumen for decoration, sealant, and adhesive. Among the earliest to do so were the Olmec (1200–500 b.c.) of Mexico's southern Gulf coastal lowlands. Geochemical analysis of bitumen from Olmec archaeological contexts as well as from seeps in the Olmec region reveals that seeps can be geochemically differentiated and can be correlated with archaeological samples. Groups of sites with chemically different archaeological bitumen indicate multiple procurement networks reflecting complex regional systems of exchange and interaction. Organic geochemical analysis of bitumen provides a new tool to study procurement strategies and exchange patterns in Mesoamerica.  相似文献   

13.
This paper reports the results of petrographic analyses of 41 new pottery thin sections from San Lorenzo. The resulting compositional data provide an important new context for evaluating the disputed status of carved vessels previously identified as imports to the site. By comparing local and Oaxaca highlands pottery, the disputed vessels are shown to be (a) compositionally distinct from San Lorenzo pottery and (b) similar to highland pottery. San Lorenzo was not just an exporter but also an importer of pottery vessels, a finding relevant to consideration of San Lorenzo's role in the production and exchange of ceramics in Early Formative Mesoamerica.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

Trade liberalization took the cultural community in Latin America by surprise, forcing a defensive reaction that took years to generate adequate public policy responses. However, cultural policy has changed unevenly in the region. Two issues became the center of culture and trade debates after the 1990s: cultural industry production and traditional indigenous knowledge. Mexico, by far the largest producer of audiovisual content on the continent, has been reluctant to adopt defensive approaches or red lines during trade negotiations. In fact, Chile is the only country that negotiated a ‘cultural reserve’ in its FTA with the United States. Regarding traditional knowledge, only states with large indigenous populations like Guatemala, Panama but especially Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador in the Andean Region dedicated significant efforts to fight for intellectual property protection for traditional knowledge, including benefit-sharing for the commercial use of genetic resources, derived through indigenous collective knowledge.  相似文献   

15.
Archaeologists require precise chronologies of cultural change to understand the nature and timing, and causes and effects, of ecological and social transformations. The Uxbenká Archaeological Project (UAP) has made chronology building a main goal, employing epigraphic data, artifact seriation, and high-precision AMS 14C dating. With more than 60 14C dates with measurement errors below ±25 14C yr, primarily on single charcoal specimens, Uxbenká may be the most intensively dated Classic Period site in the tropical Maya Lowlands. Here we take the next step, combining this rich chronometric dataset with associated stratigraphic information in OxCal's Bayesian framework to generate a high-resolution chronology of Uxbenká's early development and expansion in southern Belize. We show how archaeologists may take advantage of complex architectural stratigraphy to constrain broad calibrated ranges during the Classic Period, and to estimate dates for observed construction events that can not be directly dated (e.g., clearing/leveling plazas, laying plaster floors, renovating/rebuilding structural elements). Our analysis confirms the antiquity of the ceremonial Stela Plaza (Group A), where first construction is estimated between 60 cal BC and cal AD 220 and is associated with a Pre-Classic structure obscured by later construction and reorientation of the group to a N-S alignment ca. AD 150–310. The analysis also indicates initial leveling and construction at plaza Group B from cal AD 60–310 and Group D from cal AD 20–240, both earlier than previously assumed. Though Late Classic contexts are not as well represented by direct dates, architectural modifications are documented at all three plaza groups after AD 550, including the extensive plastering, laying paving stones, and construction of facades on existing structures. The resulting chronology revises our previous thinking on the mode of settlement and development of Classic Maya society at Uxbenká and indicates specific areas of investigation to elucidate events in the Late and Terminal Classic at the site, including political and social fragmentation and the abandonment of the urban core late in the Classic Period.  相似文献   

16.
This paper details the use of obsidian sourcing to reconstruct networks of interaction (or ‘communities of practice’) amongst populations of south-eastern Anatolia and the Near East in the context of ‘Neolithisation’ during the late 11th–early 10th millennia BC. EDXRF was used to elementally characterise 120 artefacts of Epi-Palaeolithic – Pre-Pottery Neolithic A date from Körtik Tepe in south-eastern Anatolia. Four eastern Anatolian sources are represented, mainly Bingöl A/B and Nemrut Da?, plus the first evidence for the use of Mu? obsidian. When the source data is integrated with the artefacts' techno-typological attributes it is possible to locate the assemblage within an Upper Tigris tradition (with some interesting local differences), which stands in stark contrast to contemporary practices in northern Mesopotamia and the Levant. These local and regional distinctions support recent views of the Neolithic being much more heterogeneous, with a ‘mosaic’ of community-specific/local traditions of subsistence practices, raw material choices and lithic technologies during the Younger Dryas–Early Holocene.  相似文献   

17.
Microscopic use-wear analysis of the obsidian artifacts recovered from Late Postclassic-Early Spanish Colonial occupations at the site of San Pedro yields useful information for interpreting Maya socio-economic activities. Obsidian traded into the community was used for a variety of tasks with emphasis placed on subsistence and domestic manufacture associated with marine resources, including intermittent and contingent crafting. Trade in obsidian and marine resources likely provided San Pedro community members access to inland economic networks and enabled the acquisition of resources not found on the caye. Microwear on chert and obsidian tools indicates relative stability in the traditional lives of the San Pedro Maya in the 15th–17th centuries a.d. Although the San Pedranos likely suffered to some degree from coastal raiding and the introduction of epidemic diseases by the Spaniards, their off-shore location provided them some protection from the upheaval experienced by the Maya in mainland communities.  相似文献   

18.
For years archaeologists in New Mexico, particularly in the northern Rio Grande region have noticed a very fine-grained what appeared to be mafic or basalt raw material source in late Paleoindian and Archaic contexts in northern New Mexico and southern Colorado. Indeed, a number of Folsom, Cody, Plainview, and Archaic bifaces are produced from this material. It appeared that there were at least two possible very fine-grained volcanics that could be the sources for these raw materials – San Antonio Mountain in far northern New Mexico, in the Taos Plateau Volcanic Field, and Cerros del Rio, on the east side of Bandelier National Monument right above the Rio Grande. After reconnaissance collections at the two probable sources, the short story is that the vast majority of “basalt” artifacts were indeed produced from one of these sources, but they are petrologically dacite and silicic volcanic rocks. An additional dacite source, called here the “Newman Dome”, also in the Taos Plateau Volcanic Field was discovered in the 1980s, but remained mainly discussed in the gray literature by CRM archaeologists. Examination of various Paleoindian and Archaic collections from the northern and middle Rio Grande indicates a strong preference for this silicic rock for the production of chipped stone tools, and in concert with obsidian source provenance studies has increased our ability to reconstruct procurement and range in these preceramic periods. These high-alkali dacite sources are easily discriminated with their trace element compositions, and based on this study, procurement seems to be dominantly restricted to these three sources in the region. Here I discuss the petrology, geochemistry, and some of the archaeological issues of these sources and their utility in the Southwest archaeological endeavor in an effort to bring these important prehistoric raw materials into the published realm.  相似文献   

19.
In Trade, Tribute, and Transportation, Ross Hassig argues that indigenous towns in the northern Basin of Mexico during the colonial period were largely self-sufficient. They traded with Mexico City mostly in elite goods, but for the most part they produced for their own subsistence or traded with nearby towns. Chemical characterization by instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA) and portable X-ray fluorescence (pXRF) of ceramics and obsidian from post-conquest contexts in Xaltocan, a site in the northern Basin of Mexico, reveals that Hassig’s model is partly correct for describing Xaltocan. The town focused on trade with nearby towns and it produced some ceramics for local consumption. However, Xaltocan was hardly isolated and self-sufficient in the post-conquest period. Instead, the data suggest that the people of Xaltocan also obtained ceramics and obsidian from a greater variety of sources than under Aztec domination. Rather than being an isolated rural site, Xaltocan either increased its external connections and number of trading partners after the Spanish conquest, or it managed to obtain a greater variety of products than before through a bustling market system.  相似文献   

20.
A collection of 50 archaeological obsidian samples studied in the framework of the Preciudadela Project (Teotihuacan, Mexico) has been analysed using particle‐induced X‐ray emission (PIXE) with the external beam line of the Accélérateur Grand Louvre d'Analyse Elémentaire facility (C2RMF, Paris) and of the Instituto de Física (UNAM, Mexico). This work addresses the provenance of these obsidian samples, with the purpose of determining if they come from the obsidian sources exploited by Teotihuacans (mainly Otumba and Sierra de Pachuca), from other sources, or arrived via commercial exchanges with other regions. For that, the elemental compositions derived from the PIXE spectra have been compared with data published in the literature on the basis of instrumental neutron activation analysis. From the concentrations of selected key elements (Na, K, Mn, Fe, Zn, Rb, Sr, Zr), it was possible to unambiguously assign the provenance of most samples. Many originate from two major sources, namely Sierra de Pachuca (Hidalgo) and Otumba (Mexico), which were the main obsidian deposits used by the Teotihuacans. However, some samples exhibit a compositional fingerprint matching other provenances, i.e., Paredón (Puebla) and Zacualtipan (Hidalgo).  相似文献   

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