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对福柯《词与物》所包含的历史观,国内学界一直未能给予应有的重视。笔者以为,《词与物》在历史哲学上包含两个重要论点:(1)福柯的认识型在本质上是一种统计规律,它使得历史发展的每一个剖面成为认识型支配下的概率事件。这样,历史事件在成其所是之前,我们无法知其所是,因为它们都是统计的结果。(2)“真实的历史”应包括“词的历史”(历史文本)和“物的历史”(客观历史)两个共轭的范畴,二者具有互补性。而且,历史学家不可能同时取得对两者的准确把握,“物的历史”愈趋于精确,“词的历史”就愈处于不稳定状态之中,反之亦然。所以,《词与物》所包含的历史哲学思想,极富挑战性,具有鲜明的福柯风格,不可不察。  相似文献   

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For all the scholarship done on the Capitulare de villis and the Brevium exempla, much about them remains unclear, and no new interpretations have been offered in the last few decades. This article reads the documents without some of the assumptions prevalent in previous scholarly interpretations, and alongside both the written and material record, especially the archaeological evidence from Charlemagne's properties at Aachen and throughout his realm. It argues that the Capitulare de villis and the Brevium exempla were most likely issued shortly after 794, as a result of the logistical issues introduced when Charlemagne's court became resident at Aachen.  相似文献   

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This article discusses Tocqueville’s and Mill’s views of the cultural progress of indigenous colonial societies in the context of the current debate about the Enlightenment. The analysis of their philosophical outlooks tends to support Jonathan Israel’s interpretation of the Enlightenment, yet with one important difference: while Israel emphasizes the Radical Enlightenment as the chief instigator of the movement towards modern democracy, Tocqueville’s and Mill’s views emphasize the preponderance of the Moderate Enlightenment, which, while sharing the radical advocacy for rationalism, broad education, religious toleration, the critique of despotism, and other enlightened ideals, nonetheless shunned support of full democracy or universal suffrage. Tocqueville’s and Mill’s Eurocentric views regarding the possible ameliorative influence of colonialism emphasize how the ideals of the Moderate Enlightenment had an overriding effect on the emergence of nineteenth-century liberalism. While this conclusion broadly accepts Israel’s outline of the intellectual history of the Enlightenment, it gives greater weight than he does to the Moderate Enlightenment.  相似文献   

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There is a substantial amount of common, if relatively unexplored, ground between the emergence of existentialist philosophy in France and the growth of a French jazz culture. Both Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir play significant roles at the interface of these phenomena. This study investigates those roles and attempts to clarify the relationship between the 'home-grown' French philosophies and the cultural import. There are in fact two quite separate stories which have different outcomes, though there are important points of convergence. Both de Beauvoir and Sartre appropriate jazz, and for both of them the music is associated with fundamental freedoms, but where he uses it to inform and illustrate his philosophy, she derives from it a programme of action, or at least the basis for developing such a programme. Interestingly, the critical period for revealing the nexus between jazz and existentialism is not so much the post-Liberation era, but the time between the wars.  相似文献   

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On November 25, 2002, thousands of people marched through the streets of Mexico City and demanded, in the name of social justice, an end to the violence against women in northern Mexico. ‘Ni Una Más’ (not one more) was their chant and is also the name of their social justice campaign. Their words referred to the hundreds of women and girls who have died violent and brutal deaths in northern Mexico and to the several hundred more who have disappeared over the last ten years. These Ni Una Más marchers, many working with human rights and feminist organizations in Mexico, are protesting against the political disregard and lack of accountability, at all levels of government, in relation to this surging violence against women. And the symbolic leaders of their movement are the Mujeres de Negro (women wearing black), who are based in Chihuahua City. In this article, I examine how the Mujeres de Negro demonstrate how feminist politics so often plays upon the negotiation of spatial paradoxes in order to open new arenas for women's political agency. For while the Mujeres de Negro of northern Mexico are galvanizing an international human rights movement that is challenging political elites, they are also reinforcing many of the traditional prohibitions against women's access to politics and the public sphere. And I explore how the Mujeres de Negro devise a spatial strategy for navigating this paradox in an increasingly dangerous political environment.  相似文献   

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Shusterman  Noah 《French history》2007,21(3):313-330
In 1802 the Napoleonic government removed authority over religiousholidays from the Gallican Church. In Old Regime France bishopsdecided which holidays were observed in their dioceses. TheRepublican Calendar had eliminated official recognition of Catholicholidays but not their widespread observance. Napoleon reinstatedthe Gregorian Calendar but not the holidays of the Old Regime.At his request, a papal indult eliminated the weekday observanceof all but four Catholic holidays. The reform drew on the legacyof the Enlightenment, especially Montesquieu. The clergy ofthe Gallican Church oversaw the indult's execution, which wascomplicated by ambiguous wording. Napoleon attempted to mergereligious and political obedience, so the best Christians wouldalso be the best subjects, while making it clear that the governmentwas the dominant power. The Restoration subsequently kept theindult in place, neither adding more holidays nor relinquishingauthority over the matter.  相似文献   

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Comite des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques, Jeux et sports dans l'histoire (Editions du CTHS, 1992). Tome 1: Associations et politiques, 330pp, 360F.; Tome 2: Pratiques sportives, 400pp., 360F., ISBN 2 735 50245 7 and 2 735 50246 5

Hubscher, R., (sous la direction de), L'Histoire en mouvements: Le sport dans la société française (XIXe‐XXe siècle) (Armand Colin, 1992), 560pp., 290F., ISBN 2 200 37238 8

Rauch, A., Boxe, violence du XXème siècle (Aubier, 1992), 427pp., 180F., ISBN 2 700 72241 8  相似文献   

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Abstract

This article examines the first debate within the European Economic Community (EEC) over democracy following the Treaty of Rome. The treaty called for the newly created European Parliament to draw up a proposal for direct, transnational parliamentary elections. A plan in 1960 led by Fernand Dehousse emerged as the consensus choice. Charles de Gaulle, however, opposed the plan and succeeded in defeating it. We see during the1960 debate over the Dehousse Plan competing interpretations of democracy in European unity that still frame the issue today. At stake was the democratic character of the new EEC as well as the proper role of the public in the uniting of Europe. Should the public vote on matters of European integration via transnational parliamentary elections, national referendums or neither? By analytically reconstructing the key participants’ democratic worldviews, the article contributes to developing a deeper understanding of the debate over direct elections to the European Parliament, a fuller comprehension of the early life of the Treaty of Rome and a sharper realisation of the essential interconnectedness of the development of the EEC and the resumption of national democracy in post-WWII Western Europe.  相似文献   

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