战后西方地缘政治学的发展与特征

本文在简要回顾二战前西方地缘政治学发展历史的基础上,介绍了"多极世界"模式,地缘经济学,文明冲突论等战后及冷战后西方地缘政治理论发展过程中有代表性的学说。分析评价了它们产生的思想基础,历史背景及发展特征,并预测了今后西方地缘政治学的发展趋势与方向。     

地缘政治学理论、方法与九十年代的地缘政治学

本文介绍了地缘政治学家关于地缘政治学学科的不同定义;探讨了不同层次地缘政治学研究的核心概念和研究方法论,分析了长期存在的学科内涵争论;探索了九十年代地缘政治学新的研究领域和发展方向:旨在推动我国地理学家参与国家和全球的地缘政治,地缘战略研究,繁荣和发展我国人文地理学的学科体系。     

从地缘政治学看中国的战略态势

本文试图以地缘政治学为基础,对我国的国际战略地位和发展前景进行初步分析。     

从地缘政治学的定义看地缘政治分析的层次

地缘政治学的定义多种多样,这些定义从不同方面指明了地缘政治分析的层次。综合国内外学者的各种定义,地缘政治的分析应当包括由内到外五个依次递进的层次,最内层涉及地理环境对国际政治的影响,次内层涉及地理环境与国际政治的互动,中间层涉及地理环境与政治的关系,次外层涉及地理环境与人类行为的关系,最外层则涉及环境与人类行为的宽泛关系。从长远看,地缘政治学的内涵会得到拓展,但也要避免概念的泛化。     

对冷战后局部战争的地缘政治思考

冷战后,随着苏联的解体,世界格局保持了近半个世纪的力量均势失衡,造成了局部地区的力量真空和失衡。美国则依靠其唯一的大国优势,在"维护正义"、"保护人权"的幌子下到处发动或参加海外局部战争,使得世界并没有因冷战结束而进入人们所企盼的和平发展时代。从1991年海湾战争至今的12年中,全球发生了几十次局部战争,对世界格局产生着重大的影响。本文仅从冷战后发生的四次大规模局部战争的地缘政治背景分析,来探讨在新的世界格局和新的地缘环境中,我国的地缘政治形势和维护国家安全利益的对策。     

八一起义的地缘政治学解读

以生存空间论为核心的地缘政治学过去主要用于考察国际关系与研究国家的对外战略,并因此曾一度成为西方大国对外扩张与侵略的理论依据而受     

对主权理论的历史性再思考

主权理论是国家理论和国际关系理论中的一个核心问题。主权是国家的主要的标志,是国家身份重要组成要素和法律基础。主权概念是历史的产物,它随着世界历史的变迁不断深化和完善。发展的国际社会的实践推动了对主权理论的研究,因而对主权理论的认识必须要有历史的观点。     

论地缘战略的主体间性——兼论中国地缘战略抉择

主体间性一词是20世纪西方哲学凸显出来的一个重要概念,对这一问题的研究有助于解决本体论、认识论和伦理学等多方面的问题。简单来说,主体间性就是主体之间的交互作用。主体间性具有物质性、实践性、历史性和社会性,其存在于集体主体之中,可以通过"教化"获得。据此,本文通过对四个经典地缘政治理论,即国家有机体论、海权论、陆权论和边缘地带论的历史分析,挖掘了隐含在其中的主体间性。并以美国对苏联和中国实施的地缘战略围堵为例,通过分析同一地缘战略所导致的截然不同结果,表明了地缘战略的构建、制定和实施都必须遵循主体间性。最后根据主体间性提出中国未来地缘战略抉择。     

对“官僚资本”的再认识

在中国 ,“官僚资本”是个耳熟能详的名词 ,尤其是从上个世纪四十年代起 ,“官僚资本”便成为革命的对象 ,“官僚资本主义”更成为压在中国人民头上的三座大山之一 ,长期以来 ,没有人怀疑(更确切地说应该是没有人敢怀疑 )它的正确性。然而进入八十年代以后 ,有学者开始对它的内涵和定义提出质疑 ,并发表了新的见解 ,曾围绕这一名词展开过激烈的讨论。本文首先回顾一下“官僚资本”这一名词产生的过程及其背景 ,再简略介绍八十年代以来有关对“官僚资本”这个概念的争论情况 ,重点则是谈谈个人近年来在有关中国建设银公司个案研究中的一些体…     

环境政治中国际非政府组织的角色——基于批判地缘政治的视角

国际非政府组织（INGO）在国际环境政治中发挥着日益重要的角色,也是中国"一带一路"走出去的关键影响要素之一。批判地缘政治关注主权国家之外的非政府行为体,同时对权力概念提出了新的理解。借助其思想,本文指出国际环境政治中INGO的作用,并通过尺度-权力框架分析其行动和角色。发现：①INGO在环境等国际公共事务上作用不断凸显;②INGO在多个尺度上通过不同的权力影响环境政治;③INGO与政府存在依赖、合作和对抗等不同的互动关系。因此,应处理好与INGO的关系,借助其独特的权力助力"一带一路"建设。     

中亚的地缘政治--历史和现实

一个多世纪以来 ,中亚的地缘政治格局和作用不断发生变化 ,并在不同时期以不同的方式影响着中国。“9·11”事件之后 ,中亚的地缘政治形势变得更加复杂 ,大国的、区域的、国际的利益交织在一起 ,成为全球关注的热点。阿富汗反恐战争的结束为中亚国家提供了国际合作的新通道 ,尽管中亚在国际地缘政治格局中的作用将越来越重要 ,但它不会成为新的地缘政治“核心地区”。     

The conflicting logics of cross-border reterritorialization: Geopolitics of Euroregions in Eastern Europe

Europe is currently experiencing an unprecedented process of reterritorialization in the context of European Union integration. Central to this process is the implementation of various cross-border cooperation schemes, commonly known as Euroregions, aimed at redefining fixed, border-induced Westphalian territoriality. The literature on Euroregions has primarily examined the reterritorialization of state power and institutions across borders, documenting the emergence of cross-border governance networks. However, the territorial underpinning of cross-border reterritorialization, as well as the process of territorial constitution of cross-border spaces has been less well explored. This paper examines cross-border reterritorialization from a geopolitical perspective informed by multi-scalar conceptualizations of political territoriality. Actors at supranational, national and local scales often follow territorial logics that are at odds with each other. Competing meanings of territory and territoriality interact to produce a geopolitics of Euroregions that shapes cross-border reterritorialization. The paper focuses on the Euroregions established at the current fringes of the EU, in the Romanian–Ukrainian–Moldovan borderlands.     

Ratzel, the French School and the birth of Alternative Geopolitics

Modern French political geography began as a response to Ratzel's Politische Geographie and then became an attempt to place ratzelian ideas into the context of French geographical thought. What then emerged was a political geography which was set firmly in opposition to German geopolitics. There were some geographers who felt that a more effective response could be made by developing an indigenous French geopolitics. This can be seen as being the origin of the alternative geopolitics which was favoured by some American geographers during and after World War II and which subsequently became an important underlying theme in the new geopolitics which arose in the 1970s. The concept of an alternative geopolitics has owed a great deal to the French school of geography and has it roots in the original response of Vidal de la Blache to Ratzel.     

The India-Iran-Pakistan Triad: Comprehending the Correlation of Geo-economics and Geopolitics

Historically, India’s policy on Iran has been a balancing act between securing its interests as a counterweight to Pakistan, and ensuring its continued partnership with the US and other regional players. Yet confusion in India’s Iran policy became evident when Iran’s nuclear program began to draw international attention in the 1990s. More recently, India has attempted to reach out to Iran, reigniting trade relations and initiating new plans. Growing Indo-Iran relations are however a worrying sign for Islamabad, which is attempting a simultaneous expansion of ties with Tehran while continuing to resolve outstanding disputes. The central argument of this paper is that India’s relations with Iran are best understood through the prism of the intertwining of geo-economic and geopolitical considerations. Analysis has often separated these two factors, but there is evidence that a synergy exists – and that it is particularly visible when the Pakistani element is introduced. Often emphasising historical and cultural affinity, India and Pakistan have each sought politically and economically viable relations with Iran. Yet their bilateral political calculations and the current economic challenges have prompted a nuanced policy based on a careful balancing of geo-economics and geopolitics.     

Geopolitics as palimpsest: Contextual inscriptions of the global war on terror

This article aims to develop the agenda of a grounded, contextual critical geopolitics, with particular emphasis on the interaction between local and hegemonic geopolitics. This is achieved by examining the local reception of the geopolitics of the ‘global war on terror’ (GWOT) in the context of the establishment of US bases on Romanian territory following the 2004 US Global Posture Review. A close reading of this context reveals a complex and ambiguous relationship, simultaneously assertive and subversive, between the GWOT's sui generis, territorially non-specific geopolitics of transit, and Romania's exceptionalist geopolitics of place, significance, and convergence. Not only did the GWOT geopolitics fail to erase local geopolitics, but it also became muddied, contaminated, and inadvertently destroyed by the ‘old’ local geopolitical knowledge. This suggests an understanding of geopolitics as a palimpsest, the product of serial, imperfect, synchronic and diachronic erasures and writings-over that produce geopolitical knowledge of, and in different contexts. In broader conceptual terms, this study highlights the heteroglossia of geopolitical knowledge, the resilience of local geopolitics, and the importance of contextual sensitivity in the pursuit of the normative mission of critical geopolitics.     

中国建筑遗产再认识

中国仿生的构架体系建筑,在历史早期就已传播到邻近的东亚国家,从而形成了一个东方建筑体系。18世纪以来,又影响到欧洲,与西方新材料、新技术相结合,使摩天楼得以矗立;中国《老子》的空间学说,引起世界"近代建筑革命";中国的陶制砌块用植物油处理的原理,促成抗酸、碱的"有、无机相结合"的建材理论,被誉为世界"建材革命"。直至今日,不同于西方"花园"(ga rden)和"林园"(pa r k)的中国人为环境与自然环境相融合的园林原理,促成了现代景观学;中国的精神与物质统一功能场效应的风水学说,已经在日、韩、美、德、法等西方国家兴起。作为全人类的财富——中国建筑遗产,将继续对人类生存环境的建设做出贡献。     

20世纪30年代自由主义者对中国共产党的批评与指责--以《独立评论》为例

《独立评论》周围的一些自由知识分子,在严重外患的背景下,站在民族主义立场上,逐渐认同国民党而反对共产党;同时本来根深蒂固的自由主义立场,自然也使他们对中共进行了许多批评;此外。在国民党统治区的言论环境中,他们对中共的认识还很难摆脱偏见和错误。具体把握30年代这些自由知识分子对中共的态度,对认识这一群体在中国现代史上的政治特征及政治走向具有重要意义。     

城镇密集区及其相关概念研究的回顾与再思考

城镇密集区是一种独特的地域空间组织形式,本文在对国内外城镇密集区概念研究进行归纳总结的基础上,从内涵与外延两方面探讨了城镇密集区和都市区、城市带、城市群、城镇体系的区别与联系。     

The geographical and ethical origins of neoliberalism: The Walter Lippmann Colloquium and the foundations of a new geopolitical order

Observers tend to overlook the early neoliberalism that derived from the “Lippmann Colloquium” organised in Paris in 1938. Analysis of the discourse produced and books published at this founding moment shows that neoliberalism was then presented as a geopolitical doctrine aimed at redressing the spatial fragmentation of the world into States. The means to achieve this, according to this first neoliberalism, was by implementing what, in 1978, M. Foucault called “governmentality”: a multiscalar political system based on the submission of territories to the transnational discipline of a multilateral free division of labour. This thinking was very similar to the convictions of a number of political leaders who, from the 1940s onwards, were involved in creating a new international order uniting Western Europe and the United States, the foundations of which had many similarities with the principles of the first neoliberalism.     

妀善鼎年代与国别质疑——兼谈箕国灭亡时间

妀善鼎的年代或以为是战国早期,或以为是春秋早期,从该鼎的纹饰、器形、铭文字体来看,其年代最有可能是春秋晚期,或提前至春秋中期后段。该鼎的国别旧被认为是山东纪国,但是春秋早期之时这个位于山东的姜姓纪国已经被齐国所灭,金文中以""为国名者尚有一个箕国,此国春秋晚期尚存,且地望与燕国临近,两国关系密切。器主自称"妟生",金文中"妟"声之字常读为"燕","妟生"意即燕国之甥。从鼎的年代以及器主自称两方面考虑,妀善鼎应属于箕国,该鼎的出现也证明了箕国的灭亡应在春秋中期以后,合于《路史》"春秋犹有箕、崇之国"的记载。