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Peter Shirlow  M. McGovern 《对极》1996,28(4):379-398
Within this paper we chart the link between class and the politics of Loyalism in Northern Ireland. In so doing we argue that sectarianism is a socio-cultural construct which undermines the potential for political stability. The paper analyzes the evolution of Loyalism and in so doing contends that the extreme political violence which emanated from certain paramilitary groups was conditioned by socio-economic and political alterations in Northern Ireland. The paper indicates how class relationships clearly cross-cut politics, economics, ideology and culture.  相似文献   

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幕末与明治时期的政治家胜海舟,在1853年美国海军上将培理来航后民族危机意识高涨的形势下,于培理离去一个月时撰写了《海防意见书》并得到幕府的赏识。《海防意见书》中阐述的海防国家思想具有以下几个特点:其一,贴近现实,解决问题的可能性高;其二,主张开国,提倡贸易立国,期待实现富国强兵;其三,体现了胜海舟对国际关系中力量变化的体得与认知,可以认为是对冲突理论的诠释。  相似文献   

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This paper is a comparative cultural history of Zionism and Irish nationalism, focusing on themes of race, gender and identity. It seeks to highlight the strong similarities of both nationalist projects: to show how Zionists and Irish nationalists were both heavily invested in state-building projects that would disprove European racist stereotypes about their respective nations and yet, paradoxically, were also part of the general history of European nationalism. Both Zionism and Irish nationalism sought to create idealised images of the past and claimed to be rebuilding a glorious ancient society in the future as a means of escaping a degraded present. Both movements saw language revival as a key means of carrying out this ‘return to history’. And both emphasised martyrdom as a way to build up prideful ideals of devotion to the nation and used sport, militaries and agriculture as forms of nationalist social engineering. Despite their claims to the contrary, neither national movement was truly unique.  相似文献   

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Abstract. Perhaps the most important happening in South African history was the Great Trek, the massive movement of people, goods, wagons, north from the eastern Cape Colony into what became the Orange Free State and the Transvaal. These Voortrekkers migrated between 1834 and the end of the decade. On the way they developed distinctive beliefs concerning their destiny, their relation to God and their relation to the African groups with whom they had serious conflicts. A major battle between better-armed Afrikaner forces and Zulu warriors ended in triumph for the Afrikaners on 16 December 1838. This formed the basis of a national holiday for the Afrikaners, and for the nation of South Africa.  相似文献   

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世界主义与民族主义--孙中山对新文化派的回应   总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8  
桑兵 《近代史研究》2003,5(2):77-99
五四运动以后孙中山反驳有人用世界主义反对其提倡民族主义,具体所指,外部渊源主要是英国的罗素、俄国的无政府主义克鲁泡特金和德国的社会主义马克思,内部则几乎涵盖国家主义以外新化阵营各个派系的代表,甚至包括一度倾向社会主义的国民党人如戴季陶等。世界主义自清末取代以天下观为主导的大同思想进入中国,由于“西方”在中国人的观念世界中地位日益上升,以及欧战宣告国家主义破产,世界主义在以西为尊的新青年中渐成流行趋势。经过与外力压迫下不断高涨的爱国情绪相融合,形成“世界的国家主义”或“世界主义的国家”观念,与改造后的民族主义虽有分歧,亦存在沟通的基础。随着民族危亡的日趋严重,越来越多的新化派重新回到民族国家的立场。世界主义与民族主义的取舍,始终是困扰后发展国家的两难选择。  相似文献   

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The Mesopotamian landscape was shaped by urbanization, population growth and trade during the 4th millennium bc. The Uruk expansion, an expansion of south Mesopotamian material culture to nearby and far-off regions started about 3700 bc. North Mesopotamian and Anatolian settlements formed a network with south Mesopotamia, which collapsed about 500 years later. This period has puzzled archaeologists for a century with different explanations being given for what this expansion was, how it happened and for what reasons. In this article I will focus on the interconnection between the two regions and how this may have created the expansion. I will use the archaeological material to study possible ideological changes. To explain how this happened I will show how the north Mesopotamian settlements functioned as middlemen in a trading network where they connected the resource-rich areas in Anatolia with the alluvial plains. The north Mesopotamian settlements exploited their position between the two regions where they could control the trading routes. This led to a lot of changes in the northern regions that do not necessarily mean that this was an occupied region or a region where decisions were dictated by leaders in south Mesopotamia.  相似文献   

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This article examines the ways that specific interest groups within the American nation use material culture to attempt to define the parameters of a shared national identity. Case studies are drawn from the first decades of the twentieth century (1900–30) and the early years of the 21st century (2000–12). Analysis of landscapes and artifacts excavated from the working-class industrial town of Berwind in southern Colorado show how an early twentieth-century corporation and its immigrant workers used mundane objects to debate, through symbols, the meanings of citizenship and the nation. An analysis of yellow ribbon magnets used and created by supporters of the Iraq War (2003+) in the 21st century will show how material symbols are deployed in an attempt to reinforce a specific, but contested vision of the nation and the nature of her citizenry.  相似文献   

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大众文化时代的社会主义意识形态建设研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
樊瑞科 《攀登》2010,29(2):37-42
党的十七大报告指出,要主动做好意识形态工作,增强社会主义意识形态的吸引力和凝聚力。当前,大众文化作为一种新兴文化形式,已成为我国最活跃、最值得关注的意识形态领域之一。为此,研究大众文化和社会主义意识形态的关系问题,主动有效地做好社会主义意识形态工作,是时代给我们提出的新课题。  相似文献   

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This article examines the white, native-born population of New South Wales, known as ‘the currency’, between the 1820s and the discovery of gold in the 1850s. While Britishness was the dominant cultural influence before, and after, the gold rushes, the ‘currency lads and lasses’ often found their identity in opposition to British-born colonists, known as ‘the sterling’. This early incarnation of Australian nationalism is significant, it will be argued, as it reveals how quickly indigenous roots were claimed at the expense of Aboriginal Australians. Further, rather than a sense of Australianness within a larger British identity, the currency community held Britishness as part of their larger Australian identity. Drawing on examples of popular culture from the theatre, the press, and the sporting arena, this article explores the nature of this unique community who held Britishness as a secular religion but identified most strongly as white Australians.  相似文献   

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A systematic examination of Barbie fashions, accessories, and playsets produced since 1959 reveals several distinct phases in the domestic symbolism associated with Barbie. Today, Barbie grocery shops, cleans house, cares for her young siblings, and assumes careers which fill nurturing and protective roles like those championed in traditional domestic ideology. Yet in the late 1950s, Barbie was conceived and marketed as a single career girl who did not do rough housework. This paper examines the range of clothing and accessories marketed alongside Barbie as a mechanism to trace the changes in Barbie's domestic image over nearly 40 years.  相似文献   

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