Can civic nationalism reduce corruption? Transnational and translocal insights from Solomon Islands

Some scholars and practitioners argue that the key to addressing corruption in poor countries lies in citizens eschewing patronage ties and embracing civic nationalism. This view has led some to suggest that a corruption-busting nationalist sentiment can be encouraged by exposing elites from poor countries to the liberal values of relatively well-governed rich ones. However, thus far few scholars have attempted to understand the complex ways that different types of mobility shape perceptions about nationalism and corruption. This article examines the role mobilities play in shaping attitudes towards nationalism and corruption amongst stakeholders connected to anti-corruption reforms in the Pacific Island nation of Solomon Islands. It finds that highly mobile elites framed corruption and nationalism through two distinct concepts: transnationalism (conceiving the world as comprising territorially divided states) and translocalism (which focuses on local connections developed through [im]mobilities). Transnational framings, shaped by international travel and international indices, stressed the importance of promoting civic nationalism to fight corruption. Translocal framings, reinforced by everyday experiences, were more sceptical of both anti-corruption and nation- and state-building efforts. Findings provide insights into why anti-corruption reforms in post-colonial contexts are so challenging, and the potential for reimagining the relationship between nationalism and anti-corruption.     

Institutional Utopias,Eugenics, and Intellectual Disability in Brazil 1

This study focuses upon cultural representations of intellectual disability in Brazil with attention to the historical and cross‐cultural transmission of professional theory and ideology in Brazil, the USA, and Europe. The establishment of special education in Brazil is compared to the treatment of intellectual disability in the USA during the same period. In both cases the local eugenics movements greatly influenced the development of educational, vocational, and residential services. However, differing eugenics theories lead to radically different practices by professionals and consequences for disabled people.     

Teatro crítico contra la conciencia en crisis: Nada que perder

ABSTRACT

In this article I introduce how the 2008 financial crisis appears in the Spanish recent drama. Although the impact of the crisis has been studied in other genres and artistic expressions such as narrative, poetry, or comics, this issue needs more attention in Spanish contemporary drama. The article proposes a critical analysis of Nada que perder (Bazo, Romero, and Yagüe, 2016). In this play, we can observe a new perspective of the crisis that not only holds the ruling class responsible for the situation, but also charges the ordinary people with irresponsibility and lack of public conscience.     

巴西政府的经济政策和债务危机的形成(1974-1985)

由于经济发展的周期性和国际石油价格的上涨,20世纪70年代中期,巴西"经济奇迹"结束.但是,出于政治因素的考虑,70年代后期盖泽尔政府推行了"负债增长"的战略,进入80年代后,费格雷多政府依然拒绝实行经济紧缩政策,结果最终导致了巴西的债务危机和经济的全面衰退.     

Mably and Berne

The Swiss Cantons had no greater admirer in the eighteenth-century than the French political thinker Gabriel Bonnot de Mably. The feeling was mutual, at least to some extent, since the Bernese Patriotic Society awarded its first prize in 1763 to Mably, for his dialogue Entretiens de Phocion. The prize then led to an exchange of letters, stretching across some two decades, with Daniel Fellenberg, founder of the Patriotic society—the most important block of Mably's correspondence to have survived. This essay considers the 1763 prize and the correspondence with Fellenberg for the light they cast both on Mably and on Bernese participation in the wider currents of eighteenth-century thought.     

L'Age de l'Eloquence. Rhétorique et “res literaria” de la Renaissance au seuil de l'époque classique

The Swiss Cantons had no greater admirer in the eighteenth-century than the French political thinker Gabriel Bonnot de Mably. The feeling was mutual, at least to some extent, since the Bernese Patriotic Society awarded its first prize in 1763 to Mably, for his dialogue Entretiens de Phocion. The prize then led to an exchange of letters, stretching across some two decades, with Daniel Fellenberg, founder of the Patriotic society—the most important block of Mably's correspondence to have survived. This essay considers the 1763 prize and the correspondence with Fellenberg for the light they cast both on Mably and on Bernese participation in the wider currents of eighteenth-century thought.     

The impacts of education and institutional trust on citizens’ willingness to report corruption: lessons from Papua New Guinea

Educated citizens are often considered more likely to report corruption; this belief shapes anti-corruption campaigns. However, we know little about how other factors may interact with education’s impact on willingness to report corruption. This article examines data from a household survey undertaken in Papua New Guinea. We find considerable support for the notion that education encourages a greater willingness to report various types of corruption to officials. While our results indicate that this is especially the case when respondents believe that corruption would be addressed by the government, they also show that secondary and post-secondary levels of education can have a positive impact even among those who do not have much faith in reporting institutions. However, the results also suggest that academics and policy-makers should be sensitive to the way trust in the state impacts educated citizens’ willingness to report different kinds of corruption.     

论巴西军人政权时期的技术专家

在巴西军政权中,存在着军人和技术专家的联盟。军人在政治决策中起着关键的作用,技术专家在制定经济发展政策时扮演着关键的角色。技术专家的兴起主要是由于巴西政府基本政策优先顺序的转变、平行官僚机构的迅速增长、以及实现行政改革的长期努力使得精英集团内部发生的变化。在经济观点上,技术专家主张注重积累,抑制分配的“生产主义”。     

Spaces of the street: Socio-spatial mobility and exclusion of youth in Recife

The ‘street’ and ‘youth’ have long been issues of social concern and the subject of research both in Brazil and elsewhere. The perception and experiences of youth in relation to the street, however, and the corresponding gender and class relations which permeate these, remain an under-researched topic. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in low- and middle-income neighbourhoods in Recife, this paper shows how the street consists of different spaces and how the youth experience corresponding layers of socio-spatial exclusions and inclusions which vary over time.