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1.
Reviews     
Greek and Roman Oared Warships 399–30 BC ( Oxbow Monograph 62 ), J. S. MORRISON
British Museum Encyclopaedia of Underwater and Maritime Archaeology, JAMES DELGADO (Ed.)
Fortress Britain—Artillery Fortifications in the British Isles & Ireland, ANDREW SAUNDERS
Das 'Seebuch'—Das älteste erhaltene Seehandbuch und die spätmittelalterliche Navigation in Nordwesteuropa ( English, French and Russian summaries ), ALBRECHT SAUER
Vuur-en bakenloodjies voor een veilege vaarweg op de Zuiderzee, A. WIJSENBEEK
Une cargaison de bronzes hellenistiques: L'épave Fourmique-C à Golfe-Juan ( Archeaonautica, 12 ), C. BAUDOIN, B. LIOU and L. LONG
A small cog wrecked on the Zuiderzee in the early 15th century ( Excavation report 19, Flevobericht 408 ), F. M. HOCKER and K. VLIERMAN
The Iron Ship—the story of Brunel's SS Great Britain , EWAN CORLETT
The first Atlantic Liners—Seamanship in the Age of Paddlewheel, Sail and Screw PETER ALLINGTON and, BASIL GREENHILL
Steam at Sea; two centuries of Steam-powered Ships, DENIS GRIFFITHS
A late seventeenth century Dutch freighter wrecked on the Zuider Zee, R. S. NEYLAND and, B. SCHRÖDER
II potere maritimo e le civiltà del mediterraneo antico. FRANCO MONTEVECCHI
The British Battle-Fleet, FRED T. JANE
Dansk Søfarts Historie—vol. 1 Fra Stammebäd til Skib, J. BILL, B. POULSEN, F. RIECK & O. VENTEGODT  相似文献   

2.
In the later Middle Ages the predominantly rural Frisian territories covering the coastal area between the Zuider Zee and the River Weser stood out by virtue of their anomalous position. One striking phenomenon in this area was the early breakdown of feudalism; another was the failure of sovereign rule to take root. A crucial development was how the resulting political vacuum was filled by communal institutions. This paper tries to explain this state of affairs, a situation the Frisians themselves referred to as ‘Frisian freedom’, in terms of the communalism thesis propounded by Peter Blickle. In summary, it can be said that the Frisian territories, at least while the communal institutions were in their prime, constitute an even more prototypical model of rural communalism than the founding cantons of the Swiss Confederation.  相似文献   

3.
The central research questions in this contribution are: how are spatial-economic investment projects assessed, selected and prioritized nation wide, and how can the role of Parliament be defined and, if necessary, be strengthened? In practice, this centres on the issue of how to avoid “entrapment”. A critical assessment of the current Dutch policies to strengthen the economic structure of the country is followed by a discussion of the proposals presented in 2004 by the Dutch Parliamentary Commission on Infrastructure Projects. This contribution concludes that the acceptance of (the majority of) the Duivesteijn Commission's proposals will greatly clarify and strengthen the position of the Dutch parliament in selecting and prioritizing spatial-economic investment projects. The Dutch experience may be relevant for parliaments in other countries as well.  相似文献   

4.
Reviews     
The cog of Bremen, SIEGFRIED FLIEDNER & ROSEMARIE POHL-WEBER
Archaeological research in the Zuider Zee G. D. VAN DER HEIDE
King Henry VIII's Mary Rose, ALEXANDER MCKEE
Francis Drake, Privateer, Contemporary Narratives and Documents
Cornish shipwrecks. Vol. 1: The south coast RKHARD LARN & CLIVE CARTER
Cornish shipwrecks. Vol. 2: The north coast, CLIVE CARTER
Cornish shipwrecks. Vol. 3: The Isles of Scilly, RICHARD LARN
Shipwrecks of North Wales, IVOR WYNNE-JONES
Australian shipwrecks, Vol. 1 : 1622-1850 CHARLES BATESON
The wreck of the Elizabeth, GRAEME HENDERSON
East coast sail: working sail 1850-1970, ROBERT SIMPER
South eastern sail: from the Medway to the Solent 1840-1940, MICHAEL BOUQIJET
Clinker boatbuilding, JOHN LEATHER
Sloops and brigs, JAMES HENDERSON
American figureheads and their carvers, PAULINE A. PINCKNEY
A history of the whale fisheries, J. T. JENKINS
II livello antico del Mar Tirreno, G. SCHMIEDT
Man across the sea, Problems of pre-Columbian contacts
Diving Science International. Proceedings of the Third Symposium of the Scientific Committee of CMAS, 8-9 October, 1973 N. C . FLEMMINC (Ed.)
First aid for finds: A practical guide for archaeologists DAVID LEIGH rt af.
Underwater archaeology : A nascent discipline, Museum and Monuments 13  相似文献   

5.
Reviews     
Coití. Logboats from Northern Ireland: ( Northern Ireland Archaeological Monographs 4 ) MALCOLM F. FRY
Studia nad lodziami jednopiennymi z obszaru Polski (Study on Logboats from Poland): ( Polish Maritime Museum's Proceedings 11 ) WALDEMAR OSSOWSKI
Legal Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage: National and International Perspectives SARAH DROMGOOLE (Ed.)
Piracy in the Graeco-Roman World PHILIP DE SOUZA
Maritime Topography and the Medieval Town JAN BILL and BIRTHE I. CLAUSEN (Eds)
The Magor Pill Medieval Wreck ( CBA Research Report 115) NIGEL NAYLING
HMS Victory: her Construction, Career and Restoration ALAN McGOWAN with drawings by JOHN McKAY
Report for the Sri Lanka Department of Archaeology: Galle Harbour Project 1996–1997: ( ANCEMA Special Paper no 4 ) J. GREEN, S. DEVENDRA, R. PARTHESIUS (Eds)
Traditional Fishing Boats of Britain and Ireland: Design, History and Evolution MICHAEL SMYLIE
The Boats of Men of War W. E. MAY
Two Prams Wrecked on the Zuider Zee in the Late Eighteenth Century KATHLEEN McLAUGHLIN-NEYLAND and ROBERT NEYLAND
A Late-Sixteenth-Century Freighter from the Workumer Nieuwland Polder in Workum, Friesland ROBERT NEYLAND and KATHLEEN McLAUGHLIN-NEYLAND
Prince Rupert's Patent guns SARAH BARTER BAILEY
Excavacions arquelbgiques subaquatiques a Cala Culip 2, Culip VI ( Monografies del CASC 1 ) HUG PALOU, ERIC REITH, MANU IZAGUIRRE, ANNA JOVER, XAVIER NIETO, MARCEL PUJOL, XIM RAURICH and CRUZ APESTIGUI  相似文献   

6.
This article examines the attitude of the Dutch Social Democrats towards the South African War (1899–1902). At the beginning of the war the SDAP (Social Democratic Workers’ Party) had three seats in the Staten‐Generaal (Parliament). By 1902 this had increased to seven. The South African War created a wave of nationalism in the Netherlands. The Boers were of Dutch descent, and the Dutch generally saw the war as their own. As much as it wanted to assist the Transvaal, the Dutch government, however, could not afford to annoy Britain upon whom she depended for commercial protection of her East Indian colonies. In Social Democratic circles there was a mixed reaction to the war, particularly as their enemy, the Dutch bourgeoisie, had taken the side of the Boers. Arguments were raised for and against on the one hand, humanitar‐ianism and the law of nations, and on the other, historic‐materialistic considerations. The organs of the SDAP—De Sociaaldemokraat and later Het Volk—supported the Boer cause. Their internationalism almost compelled the Social Democrats to stand aloof from the chauvinistic Dutch bourgeoisie. They pointed out that the Netherlands, with its policy on Acheh, an independent sultanate on Sumatra, was in actual fact also an imperialistic nation. Anti‐British sentiment among the Social Democrats rose sharply when the Amsterdam diamond cutters also became victims as many lost their jobs in the wake of the war. Chamberlain (the British Colonial Secretary) and Kitchener (British Commander‐in‐Chief) were seen as war criminals. When, towards the end of 1901, the Amsterdam Water Transport Leagues attempted to organise an international boycott of British shipping, the SDAP sympathised with the plan, but did not give its official approval. Nothing came of the attempt. The Dutch Social Democrats reluctantly accepted the peace, feeling that the Boers would in the future be exploited by British capitalism.  相似文献   

7.
清晰的理解全球化经济如何演化是一项非常紧迫和艰巨的任务。传统的经济地理学主要通过国际劳动分工理论解释全球化经济。但二十世纪九十年代以来的外购和及时生产等新的生产组织方式的出现,使得全球经济体系变得愈加复杂。西方经济地理学家开始将其他相关学科的理论和方法论(如资源基础理论、嵌入理论、行为者网络理论等),应用于全球化的研究中,构建了一些新的全球经济的分析框架,例如全球价值链、全球商品链和全球生产网络,体现了经济地理学新的发展方向-"关系"经济地理学。这些链/网络的分析框架在多学科领域引起强大的反响,使得西方经济地理学的学科地位得到很大提升。  相似文献   

8.
Australia's new-found post-colonial ‘independence’ in 1901 initially required it to continue to hold on to the apron strings of its colonial master. After World War II, these needs changed, as did the geopolitical power of the leading nations. For Australia, there would be the need to secure its borders, build its labour power, find security arrangements, and adhere to a cold war framework in its geographical region. The USA and the Asian region fell into Australia's sphere of interest. Italy, on the other hand, was a nation of contrasting interests and perspectives. Besides being located in Europe, the post-war period defined Italy by its participation in the concept of a European community and an entirely different set of allies, concerns and trajectories, which made it position itself in a different orbit than that of Australia. Australia's changing economic and social needs required a new and vast migration program in 1947, which would change the dynamics of its relationships. Enter Italy. The two countries now had common destinies in relation to migration—Australia needed people to help build its country, whilst Italy encouraged its impoverished rural population to emigrate to this distant and foreign land. A relationship was born.  相似文献   

9.
Through imaginative geographies that erase the interconnectedness of the places where violence occurs, the notion that violence is ‘irrational’ marks particular cultures as ‘Other’. Neoliberalism exploits such imaginative geographies in constructing itself as the sole providence of nonviolence and the lone bearer of reason. Proceeding as a ‘civilizing’ project, neoliberalism positions the market as salvationary to ostensibly ‘irrational’ and ‘violent’ peoples. This theology of neoliberalism produces a discourse that binds violence in place. But while violence sits in places in terms of the way in which we perceive its manifestation as a localized and embodied experience, this very idea is challenged when place is reconsidered as a relational assemblage. What this re-theorization does is open up the supposed fixity, separation, and immutability of place to instead recognize it as always co-constituted by, mediated through, and integrated within the wider experiences of space. Such a radical rethinking of place fundamentally transforms the way we understand violence. No longer confined to its material expression as an isolated and localized event, violence can more appropriately be understood as an unfolding process, derived from the broader geographical phenomena and temporal patterns of the social world.  相似文献   

10.
ABSTRACT

This paper examines nation branding in the context of post-coup Thailand. It challenges the dominant view within the nation-branding literature that nation branding is an externally-oriented, apolitical, business-derived practice aimed at increasing a country’s global competitive advantage. Instead, the paper argues, nation branding is a highly-politicised practice that is primarily aimed at changing the social attitudes and behaviours of the nation’s citizens. To demonstrate the political nature and internal focus of nation branding, this paper examines one of Thailand’s recent branding initiatives – the Thailand 4.0 project – that promotes sustainable economic growth in a digital age. The paper first discusses nation branding from a theoretical perspective drawing on studies in the fields of business, international relations, culture and the media. Secondly, it contextualises Thai nation branding within the political developments of the past decade. Thirdly, it analyses the project’s contents and surrounding discourses, drawing on primary data gathered during the author’s 2016 field research in Thailand. The paper argues that Thailand 4.0 is an exercise in internal nation branding aimed at enhancing the military junta’s power and legitimacy by “selling” a vision of economic prosperity to the Thai people in exchange for their support, trust and loyalty.  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

The Netherlands’ colonial empire was a source of wealth, pride and prestige, being seen by some as an essential element of Dutch identity and the key to the Netherlands’ status as a European power. The most prized of the empire’s components was Indonesia. When nationalists declared the independence of the Republic of Indonesia on 17 August 1945, Dutch colonialists refused to take it seriously, but they soon discovered that the Indonesians were willing to fight for their newly-declared freedom. They also found that international opinion, especially as expressed in the new United Nations (UN), defended the Republic’s right to exist. Australia has been acknowledged as an important contributor to international recognition of Indonesian independence through its actions in the UN Security Council and its membership of the UN Committee of Good Offices (CGO). This article, however, focuses on a lesser-known part of the story: Australia’s role in the UN Consular Commission, established at the same time as the CGO. Although the Commission was active for only a short period in late 1947, it deserves recognition on a number of counts: for its pioneering work in UN peacekeeping; as an early example of Australian diplomacy in its region; and for how an examination of its activities, and the responses of the Dutch, the Indonesians and others, can be useful for understanding the course of the Indonesian independence struggle in the years that followed.  相似文献   

12.
Uganda faces continual challenges as a low‐income nation reliant on international donors and non‐state actors. It was also one of the first countries to face a population‐wide HIV epidemic, a disease that can strain state capacity to its limits. One would expect that such a combination would weaken the governance structures in a developing country; yet, if anything, the Ugandan state has emerged from its HIV crisis with its legitimacy bolstered. This article reviews the Ugandan response to HIV/AIDS, analysing the ways in which the epidemic has provided a new arena for the Ugandan state to engage with international actors.  相似文献   

13.
This paper will show that the colonial project in south Dutch New Guinea was a joint project in which evangelisation, education, ‘civilisation’ and ‘pacification’ were taken up by the Dutch Catholic mission in close collusion with the colonial government. This was also a project in which a few Dutch missionaries deployed many goeroes (teachers) from elsewhere in the Dutch East Indies. These goeroes had an important position assigned to them by the Catholic mission and colonial government in the development of the Papuans and the area. This colonial structure utilised by both Dutch colonial administrators and missionaries has been labelled in the literature as a system of ‘dual colonialism’. Drawing on records held in missionary and colonial archives, the paper explores this dual colonial structure by analysing the roles of Catholic goeroes from the Kei and Tanimbar islands. This is done by taking Felix Driver’s concept of local intermediaries as the point of departure. While this concept makes visible the key role of goeroes, it is not without its issues, which will also be explored.  相似文献   

14.
The 1992–1993 civil wars in Moldova and in Georgia ended with a de facto separation of Transnistria and Abkhazia, respectively. These de facto states are both inhabited by the kin to the ‘enemy’ across the administrative border: Moldovans and Georgians/Mingrelians. How do the de facto authorities foster a collective identity in support of their claim for legitimacy and statehood? Engaging with Wimmer's taxonomy of boundary‐making, this article argues that nation‐building involves not only expansion but also, simultaneously, contraction. Transnistria constructs a higher‐level identity category and co‐opts and contracts the Moldovan category, separating it into ‘our’ and Bessarabian Moldovans in order to incorporate the former into the Transnistrian people. In Abkhazia, the nation‐building project establishes the Abkhazs as the titular nation allowing, however, for the construction of an Abkhazian people that would include minorities, with Gal/i Georgians said to be Mingrelians, distinct from Georgians. These cases show that elites combine different ethnic boundary‐making strategies in order to implement their favoured identity project and to legitimize the claimed statehood.  相似文献   

15.
This paper explores practices of kidnap and confinement in the Andamans penal colony, for the period 1771-1864. It argues that during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries indigenous captivity was key to successful colonization. The British kidnapped islanders in an effort to educate them about the supposed benefits of colonial settlement, and in the hope that they would become their cultural advocates. The paper shows also that the close observations that accompanied the confinement of islanders informed global discussions about ‘race’ and ‘origin’, so that the Islands were brought into a larger global frame of understanding around indigenous - settler contact. The paper draws out some of the complexities and specificities of the colonial encounter in the Andamans. It argues that with respect to sexual violence, there was a significant gender dimension to colonization and confinement. Finally, it suggests that in a settlement comprising a penal colony and its associated infrastructure (and no free settlement) there were no straightforward distinctions between ‘colonizer’ and ‘colonized’. Rather, there were significant overlaps between the treatment and experiences of convicts and islanders, and these expressed something of the inherent ambiguities of the penal colonization of the Andamans itself.  相似文献   

16.
There is a substantial body of literature on nation‐building that, from a variety of theoretical approaches, examines the role of symbolic constructs in the process of construction and consolidation of new nation‐states. Among these works, the dramatic and symbolic aspects of election and their function in the nation‐building project have been investigated by political scientists and anthropologists alike. However, analysis of electoral emblems as constitutive elements in the nation‐building process has been largely missing from most studies of nation‐building and official nationalism. A case study of postindependence India suggests how national belonging was also made to hinge upon on competent democratic participation of the masses in the political life of the country. Central to this process of identity work was the establishment of an independent Election Commission and of strict rules for the design, selection and allotment of election emblems. Conventional accounts have argued that these procedures were introduced primarily for the benefit of the uneducated masses who were suddenly invited to participate in India's democratic process. I argue against this simplistic interpretation. Far from being only tools for the simplification of electoral processes, India's election symbols were one of India's institutional mechanisms designed to nurture the development of a correct democratic conduct and therefore ultimately contributing to the Nehruvian national project.  相似文献   

17.
吴启焰 《人文地理》2013,28(3):74-77
20世纪60年代以来,中产阶层化现象逐渐得到学术界的关注。随着女性主义研究和社会运动的兴起,基于女性主义视角的中产阶层化研究日益得到众多地理学者的注意。本文希望将建构主义理论与女性主义地理学研究相结合,将之纳入一般化中产阶层化研究框架之内,继而构建女性主义视角的中产阶层化研究理论构架,以便进一步补充、完善一般中产阶层化理论体系。  相似文献   

18.
The Australian Settlement, as formulated by Paul Kelly, had a sixth pillar: a settlement between the city and the country in which the state compensated people living in the country for the costs of remoteness and sparse settlement. This was underpinned by the reliance of Australian export performance on agriculture, by nation-building commitments to peopling the continent, and by agrarian beliefs in the virtues of country life. Australia's egalitarianism had a spatial and regional as well as a class dimension. Changes in Australia's economy, demography, and political culture have eroded these foundations, leaving rural Australia vulnerable to the neoliberal agenda. The dismantling of tariffs, the restructuring of agriculture, microeconomic reforms driven by National Competition Policy, and regional policy which stresses self-reliance, all treat rural Australia as a minor part of the nation rather than its economic and cultural foundation, and reject claims to special treatment. To give country Australia its own pillar makes visible the magnitude of the historic shifts which have taken place in the state's relationship to rural Australia since 1983 and brings it into the main frame for understanding Australia's abandonment of protective statism.  相似文献   

19.
This article examines the ways that specific interest groups within the American nation use material culture to attempt to define the parameters of a shared national identity. Case studies are drawn from the first decades of the twentieth century (1900–30) and the early years of the 21st century (2000–12). Analysis of landscapes and artifacts excavated from the working-class industrial town of Berwind in southern Colorado show how an early twentieth-century corporation and its immigrant workers used mundane objects to debate, through symbols, the meanings of citizenship and the nation. An analysis of yellow ribbon magnets used and created by supporters of the Iraq War (2003+) in the 21st century will show how material symbols are deployed in an attempt to reinforce a specific, but contested vision of the nation and the nature of her citizenry.  相似文献   

20.
To overcome the traumas of the 1992–1997 civil war, the Tajik authorities have turned to history to anchor their post‐independence nation‐building project. This article explores the role of the National Museum of Tajikistan, examining how the museum discursively contributes to ‘nationalising’ history and cultural heritage for the benefit of the current Tajik nation‐building project. Three main discursive strategies for such (re)construction of Tajik national identity are identified: (1) the representation of the Tajiks as a transhistorical community; (2) implicit claims of the site‐specificity of the historical events depicted in the museum, by representing these as having taken place within the territory of present‐day Tajikistan, thereby linking the nation to this territory; and (3) meaning‐creation, endowing museum objects with meanings that fit into and reinforce the grand narrative promulgated by the museum. We conclude that the National Museum of Tajikistan demonstrates a rich and promising, although so far largely unexplored, repertoire of representing Tajik nationness as reflected in historical artefacts and objects of culture: the museum is indeed an active participant in shaping discursive strategies for (re)constructing the nation.  相似文献   

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