近代保险的传入和中国民族保险业的产生

保险是近代中国社会新生的事物。一种新事物能够在社会上产生和生存,除了要具有其产生必要的土壤外,必先具备一定的理论和思想基础。近代中国的有识之士正是通过侵略者的言传身教形成了自己的保险思想和理论。西方侵略者要想达到利用保险业侵略、控制中国经济的目的,首先要使中国人接受保险,缘此,他们开始在中国宣传保险知识。这种宣传包括文字宣传和实际引导。1838年,《东西洋考每月统计传》载文介绍西方近代保险业,从文中我们可以初步看出外商最初向国人宣传介绍保险的情形:且说曾相公如此右思左意,忽有以想来,那外洋舟只来数万里远,海茫…     

南京国民政府国庆纪念中的辛亥记忆

国庆纪念是传承辛亥革命记忆的重要形式。南京国民政府时期,国民党通过国庆纪念仪式,不断打造并唤起人们的辛亥记忆;并通过自己所掌握的话语权与纪念宣传,完成对辛亥革命史事及意义的再建构。借助于辛亥记忆,国民党不断把自己的建国理念贯穿于国庆纪念之中,为国民党统治的合法性确立基础。     

综论会道门的流传演变与活动特点

近百年来,会道门是影响中国社会发展的一个重要的实际问题和理论课题。然而,由于多种原因,会道门研究一直未能受到应有重视。有关献和档案资料长期以来缺乏系统的综合性的汇集整理,许多基本问题至今未能搞清。本尝试围绕会道门流传演变、分布和活动特点,提出一些粗浅看法,目的在抛砖引玉,促进会道门研究。     

辛亥革命与民族主义

辛亥革命的民族主义,是认同血缘的种族主义,不是一致对外的民族独立建国,而是排斥国内已经溶合了的少数民族.清朝的满汉矛盾,经二百多年的溶合,在文化上已成一体.鸦片战争以后,已形成中西对立,"满洲人"三字只表示一个特权阶层的存在.但在戊戌变法失败后,革命党人以"驱除鞑虏"为政纲,把政治革命变成种族革命,实是一种倒退,应重新评估其价值.     

The National Flood Insurance Program: A Case Study in Policy Failure,Reform, and Retrenchment

In this paper, I present an intensive case study of the development of the National Flood Insurance Program to advance two key arguments. First, the conventional model of adoption of general interest reform neglects an important aspect of political context: whether the relevant policy domain is one with or without “publics.” I argue that in domains without publics the politics of reform will differ substantially from the accepted model. Second, I argue that the type of learning necessary to address a given policy failure matters in reform politics. Instrumental learning is necessary but may not be sufficient for successful general interest reforms. When the social construction of a policy failure is such that many people misconceive of the fundamental purpose of a policy, social learning must take place before instrumental learning can be effective.     

The construction of a "population problem" in colonial India, 1919-1947

This article examines the construction of a "population problem" among public health officials in India during the inter-war period. British colonial officials came to focus on India's population through their concern with high Indian infant and maternal mortality rates. They raised the problem of population as one way in which to highlight the importance of dealing with public health at an all-India basis, in a context of constitutional devolution of power to Indians where they feared such matters would be relegated to relative local unimportance. While they failed to significantly shape government policy, their arguments in support of India's 'population problem' nevertheless found a receptive audience in the colonial public sphere among Indian intellectuals, economists, eugenicists, women social reformers and birth controllers. The article contributes to the history of population control by situating its pre-history in British colonial public health and development policy and outside the logic of USA's Cold War strategic planning for Asia.     

The Internal Security Acts of 1798: The Founding Generation and the Judiciary during America's First National Security Crisis

It is a truism that a nation must protect itself from internal enemies as well as foreign threats of aggression and invasion. But that is not the entire matter. Our American democracy has striven, with mixed success, to be careful that the justified ends of the American experiment—freedom, justice, and the rule of law—are not sacrificed on the altar of the means to protect these ends.     

友党不友:1947年国民政府改组之政党杯葛

1946年底国民党召开"制宪国大"后,不顾中共与民盟的抵制,于1947年拉拢民社党与青年党两"友党"进行政府改组,组成多党联合执政。民、青两党试图利用此次机会积极参与政治。青年党要求甚多,民社党意见分歧。蒋介石面对政党杯葛,为迅速完成政府改组,被迫多方沟通,妥协退让。国民党虽完成了改组,并继续占据政府主体地位,却不得不分身处理复杂的政党关系。政府改组加剧了国民党内外政党纷争,政局更为不稳,国民党政府进一步走向虚弱。     

买办与近代民族保险业的初创

买办在近代民族保险业初创时期表现活跃,是创办民族保险业的主力.买办对于保险,从洋行工作中的初步接触到附股求利再到投资自营,从观念上对国人的不懈启蒙到实践层面的积极参与.表现出极大的热情.正是在他们的倡导下,加上官府的扶助,民族保险业最终在洋务运动中突破外商的垄断艰难地产生出来.买办于民族保险业实有开拓奠基之功.     

The Company Town that Outlived the Company: Haydenville,Ohio

The company town is often an ephemeral phenomenon on the landscape. When the mine or factory closes, the town closes too, and its houses are removed or left to decay. A few company towns survive the removal of their economic base. Haydenville, in the Hocking Valley of southeast Ohio, has physically changed little since the boom days of the clay products industry. Its founder, Columbus industrialist Peter Hayden, wanted to build a self-contained community where employees and their families would live, work, play and worship together. The kiln-dried building tiles and conduit made at the company plants were used to build family houses, a church, post office, community center and store. The generally benevolent rule of the company gave the town social cohesion. When the plants closed in the 1960s, many families chose to stay in Haydenville, buying the company houses they had rented. Although the town has lost the sense of community that a single employer provided, most of the houses and public buildings still stand today—a striking testimonial to Haydenville's industrial past.     

辛亥革命与禁烟运动

清末禁烟新政虽然卓有成效,但却无法挽救清王朝的覆亡命运,反而加速了辛亥革命的爆发。辛亥革命使中国社会天翻地覆,自然也影响到了正在进行的禁烟运动。辛亥革命初期．由于政局动荡,禁烟运动受到了阻碍;而革命政权一旦稳固,中央及各地革命政府便立即将禁烟提上日程,雷厉风行。采取各种有效措施,进一步推动了禁烟运动的发展。袁世凯窃国后,因辛亥革命的成果尚留余波,故禁烟运动仍能继续发展。而辛亥革命的成果一旦被破坏殆尽,陷入军阀混战,则禁烟运动便沦没于无形之中。革命固然不可避免地给社会带来阵痛,但却能使整个社会得以新生,而否定革命成果,则必然为社会近代化进程带来莫大危害。民主革命与社会近代化建设之辩证关系。由此可见一斑。     

“兴亚会”与戊戌庚子间的中日民间结盟

1898年成立的上海亚细亚协会,是在日本各派对华团体逐渐合流以及中国各种趋新势力谋求联合的背景下,中日双方民间结盟的产物。随着日本对华人士的认识趋同,组织分别也相应模糊,一些重要人物同时参与多个团体的发起筹建,甚至担任不同组织的领导。因此,部分中国人士和舆论,更愿意称这类团体为“兴亚会”,视为中日民间人士联合挽救危局并进而振兴东亚的联盟,而不仅仅是日本某个对华团体的海外分支。由于亚细亚协会已现颓势,东亚会、尤其是同文会的产生,在很大程度上是为了取代亚细亚协会作为中日联盟组织架构的地位,所以不约而同地将活动重心放在上海。白岩龙平和宗方小太郎等人的上海乙未同志会,在这一转换过程中起了至关重要的作用。在他们的影响下,中国人士逐渐将结盟的对象转到东亚同文会。后者利用原来各个对华团体的组织和人脉资源,更加全面深入地介入南方各地的反清密谋,并力图促成联合大举。。     

The Archbishop of Canterbury,the Episcopal Bench,and the Passage of the 1911 Parliament Act

The passage of the 1911 Parliament Bill ended the power of the British house of lords to veto any legislation passed by the house of commons. Henceforth, it could only delay the passage of a measure. The bill was carried by a mere 17 votes and friction between Unionists who took up die‐hard opposition, advised abstention, or actively sought to aid passage was bitter. The role which the archbishop of Canterbury played in canvassing the episcopal bench and helping to ensure final passage of the bill has not attracted much attention. Prior to the debate, the archbishop advised abstention but did not dissuade others from encouraging bishops to support the bill to help ensure passage. Before the vote, therefore, ‘die‐hards’ opposing any concession to the government, ‘hedgers’ advising Unionist abstention in the vote, and ‘rats’, Unionists willing to vote for the bill to ensure passage despite personal reservations, attempted to sound out and pressure the bishops in their direction. At the debate, the archbishop changed his mind and decided he must support the bill in order to avoid a greater crisis, and 12 other bishops joined him in the government lobby, helping to create the final majority of 17 by which the measure passed. Consideration of the role of the bishops adds to the understanding of the mechanics by which the bill passed, amidst considerable intrigue, pressure and acrimony, as well as further illuminating the extent and intensity of the divisions within the Unionist party at this critical moment.