民主的悖论:20世纪40年代甘肃乡镇保长民选及其异化

抗战后国民政府迫于舆论压力,开始沿承总理遗教,实施"宪政"统治。为了使其宪政之治初备民主色彩,国民政府决定将乡镇保长的产生模式由委派制转变为选举制。甘肃乡镇保长民选亦在国民政府的一再催促下于1945年开始实施,然因其地僻处西陲,财力、人力均极缺乏,民众思想陈陋痼弊,乡镇保长民选一开始便举步艰难。加之内战的爆发和田赋兵役的持续加重进一步加剧了村民与乡镇保长的矛盾,乡镇保长职位不再成为乡村精英竞逐的对象,随选即辞或被迫就任者屡见不鲜,本欲借助选举以提高乡镇保长素质的民选制度却进一步加剧了乡村权力结构的失衡。面对乡镇保长群体性劣化和乡村秩序的紊乱,甘肃省政府在内战尾歇之际被迫将乡镇保长的产生模式再次由选举回溯为委派。乡镇保长民选的异化及最终失败的结局,宣告了国民政府在天时、地利、人和均处不利的时境下试图通过民主的幻象来挽救日趋消亡的政治声誉,其结果只能是一场民主的滥觞。     

唐代复仇制度论考

复仇在古代社会及原始社会中是很普遍的一种现象。如何协调基于伦理关系而形成的"孝礼"和以国家统治为基础的"国法"之间的冲突,妥善协调好二者的关系是历代统治者难以回避的问题。唐代立法者基于德礼为政教之本,刑罚为政教之用的儒家思想,结合在当时社会业已形成的法律观念,就司法实践中的复仇问题及立法中的亲情与法律的冲突问题,引礼入律,为法律确立了一条解决礼与法、情与法冲突的模式。     

民国保甲诉讼与甘肃乡镇保长的角色游移

20世纪30年代的甘肃乡村社会,战乱与贫困相依相存。抗战时期繁苛的兵役田赋不断压榨着民众的生存资本。乡镇保长作为国家行政体系的最基层,在征粮纳赋中首当其冲,民众与乡镇保长的关系势难缓冲,呈讼案件迭出不穷。甘肃省、县政府在迫切需要乡镇保长完成上级任务的情境下,亦不得不对拥有地方人脉资源的乡镇保长多加拉拢。与此同时,国民政府保甲制度的推行,打破了乡村社会既有的权力平衡,国家行政体系与乡村势力之间发生了一系列碰撞与交融。传统的乡村权力结构发生变异,乡村士绅阶层出现分流,一部分退出乡村社会的权力体系,一部分不得不与地方豪绅沆瀣一气,更有一部分地痞流氓乘隙而入,充当了国家权力与地方势力相互融通的工具。     

伪满时期的政教关系——以天主教延吉教区为中心

延吉教区德国天主教本笃会与伪满政权始终处于妥协与冲突的互动关系中,妥协是主要的,冲突则是次要的,冲突主要表现在教会学校国有化、神社参拜等问题上.天主教会寻求伪满政权对自身利益的保护和伪满政权对天主教会利用价值的重视,是政教关系协调的重要基础;伪满政权的高压政策是引发政教冲突的主要原因.     

李克编绘出中国史图、世界史图

东北财经大学政教部讲师李克历时十年,四易其稿,首次编绘出《中国史图》和《世界史图》.史图通过时间和空间的有机结合,采用先进的数学方法,全方位、综合地反映了中国文明史和世界文明史的各个要素,将之浓缩为两张史图.各长五米,宽一点五米.图中的横坐标代表时间,纵坐标划分为政治、军事、经济、科技、文学、哲学、宗教、建筑等二十几个方面.内容均以《辞海》为蓝本,构成了史图的主体,它们在图上分别用不同颜     

罗杰·威廉斯的清教思想及其在罗德岛的实践

罗杰·威廉斯是新英格兰殖民地著名的清教思想家。1635年,由于猛烈地攻击特许状、与新英格兰清教正统派在政教权责的认知上存在重大分歧以及背离了新英格兰清教正统派笃信的"集体利益至上原则",威廉斯被马萨诸塞殖民当局审判并放逐。这起事件集中体现了威廉斯与新英格兰清教正统派的冲突,核心问题在于威廉斯不仅坚定地主张和捍卫彻底的信仰自由,而且力主教会分离与政教分离,并将"良心自由"作为其全部思想和活动的依据和底线。罗德岛不仅是罗杰·威廉斯逃难的落脚处,也是其践行政教分离和捍卫信仰自由的堡垒。在威廉斯的领导下,罗德岛发展成为宗教异端分子的避难所、宗教宽容的故乡和政治上特立独行的殖民地。     

民国时期甘肃乡镇保甲经费问题研究(1934-1949)

初具基层政制改革色彩的国民政府保甲制度一开始便受到经费问题的困扰,如何妥善解决保甲经费问题遂成为国民政府切实推行保甲制度的关键所在。甘肃省政府自1934年推行保甲制度以来,即对保甲经费的来源、用途及其收支状况做了详细规定。然而单纯的法律文本既未能解决保甲经费的困竭,亦未能约束乡镇保长的就地摊派。为了从制度上彻底根除保甲经费的浮收滥支,甘肃省政府决定从1937年8月开始实行统收统支。但是,抗战爆发后物价的飞涨和乡镇保长待遇的低下,使得统收统支在实践中变得举步难行,就地摊派仍成为不争的历史事实。     

19世纪高卢主义滞留和衰落的启示——以1801年政教协约为个案

自中世纪晚期以来,法国的政教关系长期处在政教协约体制的语境中,即便在1789年的大革命以后,教会重建的法律和政治保障仍然是拿破仑与教宗庇护七世签订的1801年协约。法国同时又具有所谓的高卢主义传统,强调地方教会的权利和国家对教会的控制。在法国,由1801年协约签订到1905年协约被废除、政教分离法颁布,高卢主义传统有一个逐渐衰落的过程,现代意义上的政教分离逐渐取代了政教协约体制。这一时期的美国天主教徒早已接受了美国宪法的政教分离原则,他们对法国宗教政治的看法有趣而深刻,有助于我们认识法国特色的政教关系。高卢主义的式微是西方国家政教关系现代化的一个代表性事件,其结果是政教关系之法国模式与美国模式的趋同。     

我被抓到日本做劳工的前前后后

1944年春,广武县的水泉村和唐垌村（今均属荥阳市广武镇）为一个保。保长是唐垌村的马振国,我任保队副。有一天,日军飞机前来轰炸,空袭警报时断时续。马振国在钻防空洞时不慎摔断了腿,就由我代理保长职务。     

我国三位前驻外大使应聘为我校教授(兼职)

为加强我校外国问题研究工作,去年5月,我校已聘陈抗同志任日本研究所教授(兼职)。今年2月,我校又聘肖向前、扬守正二同志分别任日本研究所和苏联研究所的教授(兼职)。三位同志已应聘,并已接受了由黄启昌校长签署的聘书。     

Indifferent but Mobilized: Rural Politics during the Interwar Period in Eastern and Western Europe

What did peasants discuss at party meetings? Were they mobilized by ethnic politics or indifferent to them altogether? The end of the First World War brought about universal male suffrage in much of Europe, and with it the process of mass politics began. The concept of national indifference is important in understanding interwar politics, because this period is often studied teleologically with attention focused on extremism and nationalism as the primary mobilizing issue

Agrarian movements have been under-researched, and when Agrarians have been studied, it has been through the prism of elite politics. This comparative paper seeks to redress this omission by looking at grassroots rural politics. The interwar countryside was marked by profound political, economic and social transformation but also in terms of what Robert Paxton has described as the ‘triple crisis of the countryside’ – worsening economic conditions, the declining status of the countryside and inadequate political representation. The paper will explore how reform and crisis impacted how agrarian politics functioned at a local level by asymmetrically comparing cases from Romania, Poland and Ireland, with the final case helping to contextualize Eastern Europe within the wider European experience This paper argues that the rural population was mobilized, but primarily in the context of local issues rather than national ethno-political questions. Local party organization was, to paraphrase James C Scott, the site ‘of an exchange of small arms fire’ in rural class conflict, as questions regarding the control of public space, generational conflict and power within the village mobilized peasants. Thus, I argue that it was the underlying socio-economic issues that mobilized the rural population, not nationalism. The dynamics of these conflicts were shaped by local economic, political and social power dynamics, and by using indifference as a concept, we can look more deeply at interwar politics from a grassroots perspective and develop a more nuanced understanding of local, national and European politics.     

Migration,common property,and communal labor: cultural politics and agency in a Mexican village

This article examines the politics of migration in an indigenous Oaxacan village (Mexico), and finds that the village acts, with measured success, to shape the timing and rhythm of migration. Villagers regard migration as necessary yet problematic. Migration provides income for village families yet undercuts traditions of community service and disrupts the integrity of local development networks that link the community to NGOs, state bureaucracies, and product markets. As a consequence, villagers engage in a cultural politics of negotiation and contestation that moulds both the meanings of migration, and the village social practices that regulate migration. Regulation operates via the setting of norms for village communal labor participation: those who do not undertake assigned tasks (cargos and tequios) face loss of usufruct of communal lands. This finding of strong sending community agency is contrasted with recent migration studies that emphasize the agency of migrant networks and transnational spaces. The paper presents a case study of migration that examines the exercise of community agency via collective labor participation, and the study concludes by calling for a greater analytical focus on the cultural politics of sending communities.     

Traceable Tasks and Complex Policies: When Politics Matter for Policy Implementation

Implementation represents a key venue for the expression of political conflict. The challenge of illusory implementation, implementing the law's letter but not its spirit, has long vexed scholars and architects of public policy. We develop a political model of policy implementation to predict the kinds of politics—electoral, group, administrative—that different parts of complicated laws activate during implementation. Using original state‐level data on landmark education policy, we assess whether and how these politics render illusory implementation more or less likely for specific policy tasks embedded in complex laws. Consistent with our model, we find electoral politics render illusory implementation less likely for a narrow set of tasks. Group‐based politics and administrative politics bear on illusory implementation for a broader set of tasks in diverse ways. Overall, how policy activates politics during implementation depends on the features of the policy lever, where it is put into practice, and how traceable it is to the bureaucrats who do the implementing. Further, the results underscore how nuanced insights about implementation emerge when one considers individual components of complex laws, rather than treating the laws themselves whole cloth.     

Schools of resistance – a brief history of student activism in Kashmir

This article traces the unique stance and nature of student politics in Kashmir. Drawing from an historical overview, it will argue that student activism in Kashmir is largely different from activism in India as it does not restrict itself to advocacy of student issues. Rather, it places itself squarely in the people’s struggle for self-determination and counter-colonial sentiment in the Kashmir Valley. Setting out from the pre-colonial era, the article first traces the evolution of Muslim political consciousness and the key role of education in this process. These changes will be drawn against the historical evolution of the Kashmir conflict to highlight the context in which the specificities of student activism in the Valley can be drawn out. The second section, which forms the bulk of the article, traces the history and nature of activism in Kashmir, drawing on major historical events, interviews with erstwhile and contemporary student leaders, and local memoirs. In doing so, the article aims to present the conjoining of student politics and a larger politics of self-determination in Kashmir post-independence, which is an important aspect of the emergence of Muslim identity in conflict with the occupying state.     

Defensibility of large prehistoric sites in the Mid-Fraser region on the Canadian Plateau

Based on Geographic Information Systems (GIS) analysis, this paper assesses the defensibility of winter village sites in the Mid-Fraser region on the Canadian Plateau during the Late Prehistoric Period (ca. 3500–200 B.P.), particularly the Plateau and Kamloops Horizons (ca. 2400–200 B.P.). Although there is variability in prehistoric village locations in terms of defensibility, highly defensible prehistoric sites in the Mid-Fraser region are concentrated in two localities. The high defensive values of these village sites indicate that the threat of intergroup conflict had a significant impact on choice of settlement location. The approach used in this paper demonstrates the importance of past defensive considerations in the decision making processes pertaining to settlement locations. As conflict is a common feature of many cultures and time periods throughout the world, this approach has potential applications to other defensive sites globally.     

Towards an Inclusive Archaeology in Jerusalem: The Case of Silwan/The City of David

Abstract

The village of Silwan, in East Jerusalem, contains the remains of most ancient Jerusalem, often termed “The City of David”. In recent years the excavation and presentation of the archaeology of Silwan has been placed in the hands of a Jewish settler non-governmental organization. Their incorporation of this site into the Jewish-Israeli narrative is multifaceted — mixing religious nationalism with theme-park tourism. As a result, conflict with local Palestinians occurs at the very basic level of existence, where the past is used to disenfranchise and displace people in the present. The volatile mix of history, religion and politics in the City of David/Silwan threatens any future reconciliation in Jerusalem, which must be based on the empowerment of local people and the adoption of a proactive inclusive archaeological stance in which the many voices of the past are heard.     

System Development in the Federal Government: How Technology Influences Outcomes

Institutional analyses of federal programs to develop large technical systems explain outcomes in terms of a conflict between coalitional politics and program administration. Such analyses gain precision when they take into account how the technical system being developed mediates the conflict of politics and administration. Attention to technology helps explain the different outcomes of three federal programs: the superconducting supercollider, the space shuttle, and intelligent transportation systems.     

President Clinton and the Republican Congress, 1995-2000: Political and Policy Dimensions of Veto Politics in Divided Government

This article melds alternative theoretical perspectives on veto threats to explain President Clinton's influence over legislative outcomes in the 104th-106th Congresses (1995-2000). Formal models of executive-legislative relations–in particular the "coordination model"–yield an incomplete understanding of veto politics and executivelegislative conflict from 1995-2000. Explaining Clinton's success through veto politics requires a recognition of the unique context of legislative conflict from 1995-96. Presidential- congressional relations in the 104th Congress turned on "blame-game" politics that Clinton manipulated to his advantage. Clinton's second term heralded a return to "normal politics" during which the Republican majority's response to his veto threats coincided better with the basic tenets of the coordination model. Quantitative analysis of Clinton's public threats and secondary analysis of bill histories are brought to bear to test the theoretical framework.     

On the Limits of Liberalism in Participatory Environmental Governance: Conflict and Conservation in Ukraine's Danube Delta

Participatory management techniques are widely promoted in environmental and protected area governance as a means of preventing and mitigating conflict. The World Bank project that created Ukraine's Danube Biosphere Reserve included such ‘community participation’ components. The Reserve, however, has been involved in conflicts and scandals in which rumour, denunciation and prayer have played a prominent part. The cases described in this article demonstrate that the way conflict is escalated or mitigated differs according to foundational assumptions about what ‘the political’ is and what counts as ‘politics’. The contrasting forms of politics at work in the Danube Delta help to explain why a 2005 World Bank assessment report could only see failure in the Reserve's implementation of participatory management, and why liberal participatory management approaches may founder when introduced in settings where relationships are based on non‐liberal political ontologies. The author argues that environmental management needs to be rethought in ways that take ontological differences seriously rather than assuming the universality of liberal assumptions about the individual, the political and politics.     

Beyond ethno‐nationalism: emerging trends in Cypriot politics after the Annan Plan†

ABSTRACT. Historically, conflict between the two communities in Cyprus has been characterised by the diverging demands of ethno‐nationalists. The introduction of the Annan Plan for the solution of the Cyprus problem has fostered new trends in Cypriot politics and a new alignment of the political forces on the island. This paper argues that the conventional ethno‐nationalist division and the left–right divide are no longer sufficient in understanding the conflict in Cyprus. The new dividing and unifying elements in Cypriot politics can be best understood through analysing the views of political actors on such issues as sovereignty, territoriality, identity and power‐sharing.