宋代厢坊制论略

中国传统的郡县城市在宋代出现了历史性的巨大转变,其中一个表现就是坊市制的崩溃以及随之而来的郡县城市经济职能的演化。本文主要探讨了宋代坊市制崩溃后出现的厢坊制,指出：厢坊制适应了坊市制崩溃下的城市管理要求,是宋政府对城市管理制度的重要改革;与坊市制相比,厢坊制更有利于城市商品经济的发展。     

北魏洛阳寺院园林营建考——以《洛阳伽蓝记》为中心的考察

北魏时期是中国古典园林发展的重要阶段。在这一时期,首都洛阳寺院园林大量出现。洛阳寺院园林的涌现,是北魏佛教的传播、洛阳长期积淀的佛教文化以及社会上层奢靡风气等因素共同作用的结果。当时在洛阳营建寺院园林的社会阶层十分广泛,包括皇帝、后妃、贵族、官僚以及一般平民,此外还有西域胡人,因而洛阳寺院园林在营建规模和建筑风格上,既有相同之处,也呈现一些差异。并且,洛阳寺院园林的建筑营造、假山和水池的修建以及植物的栽培也都各具特点,显示了精美化的特色。     

厢坊制的始行时间

由厢统坊之厢坊制是继坊市制后一种新的城市管理制度。傅宗文认为厢坊制始于宋太宗至道年间 (《宋代的草市镇与扩城建郊》,《社会科学战线》(长春 ) ,1988.4 ) ,陈振也曾认为厢坊制是始于北宋的制度 (白寿彝总主编《中国通史》第 7卷 ,上海人民出版社 ,1999年 ) ,后来他修正了该观点 ,认为厢坊制至晚始于后唐的洛阳 (陈振 :《宋史》,上海人民出版社 ,2 0 0 3年 )。据《五代会要》卷 2 6《街巷》:“据左右军巡使奏 :诸厢界内 ,多有人户侵占坊曲内田地 ,盖造房屋 ,又不经官中判押凭据 ,厢界不敢悬便止绝 ,切恐……厢界难以止绝。”这是后唐长…     

北魏洛阳里坊制度探微

本文通过考察全部已知的北朝墓志 ,结合有关文献记载 ,认为北魏洛阳里坊数以《魏书·世宗纪》之 32 3坊的记载最为近实 ,里坊名称已知 92里 ,以选取反映儒家文化所倡导的道德准则及其褒义词作为里坊命名的基本原则 ,里坊的管理者是洛阳令及下辖文职官吏 ,其管理制度是魏晋南朝向隋唐过渡的桥梁 ,洛阳现存的乡、里名称 ,反映出其地方基层行政组织承袭晋制而向隋唐变迁的趋势     

洛阳邙山唐代古村传承考

唐代的洛阳是中国封建社会鼎盛时期的政治、经济、化中心之一,这座世界东方的大城市,自宋代以来逐渐荒芜湮为田野。20世纪后半叶,考古工作用了几十年的时间搞清了这座天下名都的轮廓与里坊布局。而城外的郊甸乡村,本来就处田野之中,它们的范围与     

北魏迁都后官贵之家在洛阳的居住里坊考

北魏迁都伊始,洛阳城建里坊之制未备,迁至洛阳的官僚贵族家庭的居住比较随意。如杨椿为弘农杨氏家族创居景宁里的情况即是如此。后来随着门阀制度和封建等级制度的确立,官僚贵族在居住问题上开始更多地考虑到身份地位,居住地的选址是否吉利也被考虑进来了。     

了本律令制都城的变迁与日唐交流——关于寺院数量的变化及彩釉瓦建筑的出现

日本律令制都城藤原、平城、平安京的格局建制是模仿隋唐长安、洛阳两城设计而成,它的条坊制与中轴线左右对称的形式最显著地揭示着这一点。此已为中日学者所共识。近年来。关于都城制的研究似乎已侧重于通过都城制度而探索日本古代天皇制及古代国家政治形态、政治组织     

试论草市在宋代城市经济发展中的作用

草市是宋代以前商品经济发展形势下出现的一种新事物,它扎根于农村商品经济的基础上,逐步变为沟通城乡的经济纽带,而后把与城市相联的部分变为城市的重要市区,使宋代城市达到一个新的历史水平,创出了中国古代城市摆脱坊市分离的新道路。草市的兴起,无论在中国城市发展史或整个社会经济发展史上,都具有划时代的意义。研究草市,是认识宋代城市的一把钥匙     

北朝隋唐都城空间区划制度的演变——以“坊”“里”的使用为中心

都城空间区划制度与对都城内主要城市景观的称谓密切相关，在中国古代，最基本的都城空间区划制度有里制和坊制两种，因此主要城市景观的名称也就为里或坊。就北朝隋唐时期而言，首都居住区里、坊的称谓之间并非一开始就是官称与俗称的关系。在北魏洛阳，空间区划制度是里制，坊实际为落实治安管理的一种手段。在坊建好后，被围墙围绕的封闭区域也开始可以称为“坊”，此后，坊、里在指代空间位置时就可以等同了。不过，北魏洛阳涉及治安事务时才用坊表示居住空间，因此墓志所见城中居住区都为某某里。隋文帝正式在都城实行坊制，确立了坊在指代居住空间时的官方地位，由此才形成了坊、里官称和俗称的关系，但里代指居住区的用法并未改变，唐代坊、里的混用实源于此。     

隋唐长安坊市胡人考析

坊市制是中国古代官府对城区规划和市场管理的制度,亦称坊制。唐中期以前,中国城市是坊市制格局,居民区"坊"和商业区"市"彼此严格分离。本文主要结合传世典籍和出土文献,分析了隋、唐时期长安坊市胡人聚居区的形成与分布情况,以期为研究隋、唐时期的城市发展、对外贸易等提供借鉴。     

洛阳市双重空间尺度的生态城市建设

生态城市建设有两个基础平台,一是市区本身的"城市生态系统",二是市区周围一定区域范围内的"城市-区域生态系统"。生态城市建设必须在双重空间尺度上展开:在城市尺度上,优化城市生态系统,在城市-区域尺度上,优化城市-区域生态系统。洛阳在我国乃至世界城市中具有鲜明特色和典型意义,在双重空间尺度上开展生态城市建设,对洛阳市的城镇化进程和可持续发展有重要意义。     

Women's history and gender history: The Italian experience

Since the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's city council. Local perceptions of national events, like Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed a significant symbolic meaning and challenged traditional understandings of local administration by introducing notions of political opposition. In Bologna, the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to form a political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after the parliamentary revolution of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. Due to its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Illustrating the relationship between central administration and the periphery, the article analyses the development of political language and changing meanings of political representation on the local level between Unification and World War One.     

唐代长安、洛阳作为都城和陪都的气候原因

本文从气候角度探讨唐代以长安为都城、以洛阳为陪都的缘由。唐代由于气候温暖湿润,降水量增大,水灾增多。洛阳因为经度地带性作用、降雨季节分配不均及洛阳河流的特殊情况。使得水灾情况比长安更严重：一是降水量大、水灾次数多,二是水势大、灾情重。尽管唐政府注意治水修堤坝,但中桥被冲毁、雨水断路乃至宫城被淹之事仍屡屡发生。长安虽然旱灾较洛阳严重,但水灾对都城的危害更直接、更严重,灭顶之灾的威胁使洛阳不宜作都城,所以建都长安。     

Local government and the meanings of political representation: A case study of Bologna between 1860 and 1915

Since the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's local council. Local perceptions of national events, like the government's reaction to Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed major symbolic meaning in local politics and challenged traditional understandings of municipal administration by introducing the concept of political opposition. In Bologna, after Rome the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to grow into a position of political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after Italy's “parliamentary revolution” of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. As a consequence of its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Analysing the relationship between central administration and periphery, the article reveals the development of political language and the changing meanings of political representation between Unification and World War One and explains on this basis the escalation of social and political conflict in Finesecolo Italy.     

湘淮集团与19世纪60年代上海的崛起

19世纪60年代,是上海从"江南的上海"向"上海的江南"过渡的关键时期。这一时期,湘淮集团一方面通过解除太平军对上海围困,解决在此过程中产生的诸多社会问题,有效控制了上海的军政大权;另一方面通过采取系列的手段和措施,以处理日显复杂的上海中外关系,为上海的发展创造了一个相对安定和平的环境,从而成为了19世纪60年代上海崛起的一个重要因素。     

Supporting trust: credit assessment and debt recovery through Trade Protection Societies in Britain and Ireland, 1776–1992

From an initial foundation in London in 1776, Trade Protection Societies grew in numbers to reach a peak of about 120 in 1910. They provided inter-business and some consumer credit assessment, debt management and recovery. From the 1850s they coordinated activities through a national association that covered Britain and Ireland. The societies were processing millions of credit assessments for thousands of members in the 1960s, reaching over 100,000 assessments per day in the 1980s. They provided a voluntary institutional base drawing on networks of mutuality, supplying information between members and societies that was judged privileged by the Courts. This offered transaction costs advantages for the high frequency, short duration activity provided, and hedged against the risks of complex Court actions. They became a large-scale mechanism to encourage honouring of commitments, thus underpinning the trust necessary across an increasingly geographically integrated economy. Their evolution demonstrates the importance of city size and regional centres, with diffusion down the city rank-size distribution. However, some smaller centres, mainly in resorts, also developed TPSs. The spatial process linked individual traders and the smallest places into a national system of credit management. By the 1920s smaller TPSs became difficult to sustain and were taken over or became branches of the larger societies; but overall membership continued to increase. True consolidation occurred after 1971 when demand exploded after the removal of credit controls, with unit costs pressed down, leading to de-mutualisation.     

释明代贵州之“州卫同城”

明朝前期在贵州建置了两类城镇 ,即以军事职能为主的卫所城镇和以民事管理为主的“郡邑”城镇。从明中期开始 ,贵州逐渐出现越来越多的“州卫同城”现象 ,即卫所与府、州、县治同治一城。明朝贵州出现“州卫同城”的现象是与贵州当地的地理、政治、经济环境分不开的 ,有其政治层面与经济层面的合理性。“州卫同城”将卫所的军事职能与“郡邑”的民事职能合并起来 ,既促进了城镇本身的发展 ,又有益于加深对当地的统治。“州卫同城”是明朝贵州城镇在发展过程中再次选择城址的表现 ,也是明朝在贵州的统治逐渐稳定和深入的表现 ,标志着贵州至此真正成为了同内地省份一样的政区。     

出土墓志与东魏北齐邺京行里制度探析

东魏北齐邺京里坊的设置沿袭北魏洛阳里坊制度,文献记载往往以里或乡里形式称谓居住地。然而有4方东魏北齐时期墓志,志文记载墓主的居宅异于常例,为某行某里,或某行某坊。通过对墓志时代及墓主身份等因素的综合研判,并结合史书记载,可知东魏初至北齐末,某行某里(坊)是邺京里坊称谓的一种常用格式。"行"的称谓源自邺京行经尉制度,行名与里(坊)名的连用,是基于城市治安管理角度所产生的隶属关系的呈现,在名称上反映了某行区域内里的管辖情况。且行名与里名存在一定关联,将行名与里名对照,可知邺京部分行名与里名相同。     

‘Shew Yourselves as Men’: Gender,Citizenship and Political Propaganda in the 1773 and 1774 Worcester Election Contests

This case study of the 1773 and 1774 election contests in the city of Worcester investigates how members of the local oligarchy, and the political opposition to that oligarchy, drew on contemporary discourses on citizenship to convince the electorate that their candidate would become a worthy representative of their city in parliament, and to refute the claims of their opponents. Since independence was absolutely essential to the voters’ identities as male householder citizens, this became the main issue of conflict. The candidate of the opposition interest, Sir Watkin Lewes, sought to establish himself as the guardian of the independence of the citizens of Worcester against the corrupt corporation. The candidates of the corporation, Thomas Bates Rous and his successor, Colonel Nicholas Lechmere, instead claimed that Lewes was the real threat, as his anti‐corruption campaign deprived the voters of the usual fruits of the election. While such claims also entailed an appeal by the local elite to the financial interest of the voters, the need to justify this incentive ideologically, and the high portion of voters who turned their backs on their patrons, does suggest the power embedded in the concept of citizenship in the political life at the level of the localities. Gendered and classed conceptions of citizenship, furthermore, were employed as offensive weapons in the political propaganda surrounding the elections, as each faction sought to discredit the other by claiming that they were neither manly enough, nor of the proper social status, to qualify as worthy political subjects. Thus, citizenship was not only fundamentally gendered in the masculine, but also highly hierarchical and equally intertwined with contemporary notions of class.     

Between diplomacy and solidarity: Western European support networks for Sandinista Nicaragua

Between the 1960s and 1980s, political crises in the Third World became a source of inspiration and action in Western European societies. The Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua was one of the most famous instigators of transnational activism. All over Western Europe, locally organised committees staged public actions, collected funds and educated their societies about the plight of this Central American nation, whose Marxist government faced strong international opposition from the Reagan administration as well as domestic social, political and economic turbulence. This article looks at Third World solidarity activism from a new perspective, assessing the active role of the Sandinista Liberation Front (FSLN) in the emergence and development of activism in Western Europe. It argues that FSLN diplomacy – initially by exiles and later by official diplomats – initiated the creation of transnational networks, driven by the quest for international support. They fuelled activism by providing activists with fresh information, contacts and avenues for action, but also cemented cross-border co-operation between activists and stimulated a ‘Europeanisation’ of local activism.