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1907年徐锡麟、秋瑾等人筹划皖浙联合起事,是辛亥革命史上革命党十次武装反清之一,除清末民初的各种记载外①,各相关档案详略不等地先后收入了1949年后编撰的<辛亥革命浙江史料选辑>、<辛亥革命浙江史料续辑>、<秋瑾研究资料>②等多种资料集.其中,中国史学会主编、上海人民出版社出版的中国近代史资料丛刊<辛亥革命>因编者权威、资料集中、检索方便等因素,数十年来是研究辛亥革命史或相关课题者不可或缺的主体资料. 相似文献
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<华夏地理>:这次中国工人绑架事件是在什么背景下发生的? 刘:近年来,中国与尼日利亚经贸合作的力度不断加大.进入该国的华人凭借勤劳与智慧,在当地的口碑和影响力不断提升,当然也难免会引起一些不法之徒的注意. 相似文献
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李志敏 《中国边疆史地研究》2008,18(1):118-127
本文通过对范传正《唐左拾遗翰林学士李公新墓碑并序》所载"隋末多难,一房被窜于碎叶,流离散落,隐易姓名"等说的质疑和对相关地名的考实,证明李白的出生地不在中亚碎叶城,也不在哈密碎叶,而在今吐鲁番之地(故高昌城). 相似文献
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<正>2010年,随着黑龙江省志编纂工作的深入开展,许多分志已完成了送审稿。笔者通过审阅部分送审稿,发现有些志稿文字较长,对资料未进行科学的分类归纳,缺乏高度概括和浓缩,使得志稿不够精练。在记述上语言繁杂,语句不顺。笔者认为, 相似文献
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在皖北宿州市,距凤阳小岗村100多公里的地方,一个叫夏刘寨的村庄,又在上演“红手印”的故事,但这边的故事与当年为大包干而摁手印的小岗村农民恰恰相反,是把分出去的土地重新集中了起来,并且还办理了公证。此事经媒体报道后,引起了安徽省省长王金山的高度重视,随后他批下了“建设社会主义新农村需要更多的王化东”等足有500余字的重要指示,分管农业的副省长赵树丛也相应做了批示。从而,“夏刘寨模式”传遍全省,影响及于全国。 相似文献
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清代后期多种钱币论著刊行于世,著录有称为秦代"权钱"的拓影。所谓"权钱",并非是流通货币,而是用于检验流通钱币是否符合标准的一种砝码,它取圆钱的形状,由古代官府铸造以防私铸劣钱。关于著录的"权钱",真假莫辨,研究者少有问津。曾维华教授从历史文献中看到,秦代铜钱并不存在所谓称量的说法。《睡虎地秦墓竹简·金布律》:"百姓市用钱,美恶杂之,勿敢异。"这个专门记载秦钱使用的律法,从根本上否认了这种"权钱"的存在。同时作者又从秦汉间"十"和"七"的不同写法,揭穿了"秦权钱"的虚假性,从而大胆否认了"秦权钱"的历史存在。宋代金石学经过元明的发展,清代进入了一个新阶段,范围不断扩大,其中的品类越来越多。好事者搜罗各种实物,加以描绘、捶拓取影,或加说明,编辑刊行,此类书的数量相当庞大。钱谱类书籍更是层出不穷,人们照谱识钱,作为觅钱之资。收藏古物从来是在雅俗之间,以欣赏、博物、怀古者为雅事,以居奇售卖者为俗态。只晚宋代起,贩售古物就夹杂假货,清代的假货多如牛毛,充斥市井。收藏家稍有疏忽,这类假古董就会混入,著录难免真伪杂陈。因而对于古代著录的古物,特别是清代以来的著录,研究者必先辨伪,此为头等大事。辨伪有文献证明、有考古实物验证,当然还有现代的科学技术手段。就这"秦权钱"而言,不仅理论上不能成立,字形上也有疑点,曾教授的文章已经论述透彻。但是有两点尚可以深入。其一,秦半两与汉五铢的钱形上有一个很大区别,秦半两钱无郭,汉钱有郭,如果"秦权钱"仿照秦钱,应是无郭,而著录却有郭。这个也是坊间伪造的过硬证明。其二,此类"秦权钱"并非全是作伪,那么它们不是"秦权钱",它应该是什么呢?其实在西汉陵山汉墓出土的实物,人们给了明确结论,这是"行乐钱"。那么在否定的同时应该适当的论述"行乐钱"的形制,这样,文章做到功德圆满了。 相似文献
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抗日战争期间国内一批知名学者随清华、北大、浙大、中大、山大等学校迁至西南三省,由张其昀、张荫麟,贺麟、钱穆、朱光潜、谢幼伟等发起,在后方创办《思想与时代》月刊,因这些发起人和所在的学校分散于昆明、成都、乐山、遵义等地,便把编辑部设在贵州遵义的国立浙江大学,由浙大史地系主任张其昀负主编责任,于1941年8月1日在贵州遵义出版第一期(如图).因在该刊撰文者皆是学界精英,在一定程度上反映了当时国内人文社科学术研究的动态和水平,所以刊物出版后颇受欢迎,曾在全国学界风靡一时,影响极为深远. 相似文献
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所谓禅茶一味,茶与佛历来有着密切的关系.又是一年春季来到,茶树蓬勃的嫩芽,经采撷、炒制,又幻化为一季的好茶了.而在佛教名山浙江千佛山,就辟有茶园,种植有茶树.
早年间,在这灵气逼人的玄妙佛境,有零星的野茶树散落在丛林间、秀水旁、云端里,在千佛山修禅的僧侣们亲手将这些野茶采撷收集后制作成佛茶饮用.不知是不是这些吸取天气之精华的茶叶具有了佛性,常年饮用这些佛茶的僧侣们个个身体强健,无病无疾,而且肤色细腻红润,光洁透亮,令人惊奇和艳羡. 相似文献
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Youfa Wu 《Frontiers of History in China》2006,1(3):357-374
The course of German history is very sinuous. German nationalism, the imbalance of the political and economic development
generated by the influence of the historical and cultural traditions, the might of the Junker feudal aristocracy, the weakness
of the bourgeoisie, the postwar reeducation of democratization imposed by the western allied powers on Germany, the developed
education and technology, etc. are all important factors that influenced Germany’s history.
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Translated from: Wuhan Daxue Xuebao, Renwen Kexue Ban 武汉大学学报: 人文科学版 (Wuhan University Journal, Humanity Science), No. 3, 2004 相似文献
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孙林 《Frontiers of History in China》2008,3(2):173-194
From the perspective of historical anthropology, this article examines a great deal of the biographies of religious figures
in Tibetan history, reveals their special way of writing, classification, and circulation. In Tibetan Buddhism, biographies
of religious figures are considered as a subject’s demise (lung-rgyun) and have their special meanings. They are the text
of the largest quantity in the historical works of Tibet and had great influence on Tibetan historiography. A comprehensive
research on their cultural characteristic, historical evolvement and historical influence will help us understand the Tibetan
culture in depth.
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Translated from Shixueshi Yanjiu 史学史研究 (Journal of Historiography), 2007, (4): 67–77 相似文献
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Xin Chen 《Frontiers of History in China》2006,1(2):199-213
Use, truth and time constitute the basic elements of the epistemological structure of history. That structure went through
three stages: pre-modern (from ancient times to the late eighteenth century, before the professionalization of history took
place), modern (the period of professional history, from the late eighteenth century to the 1970s), and post modern (post
1970s). In these three stages, use, truth, and time successively occupied the core of the epistemological structure of history.
Postmodernist history, which puts time at the core of its epistemology, is an extreme form of historicism. Even more than
historicism, it has emphasized the determining effect of time and change on historical truth and historical consciousness.
The privatization of historical narrative and reading has prodded history to become experimental. Experimental history no
longer proclaims the truth about the past. Instead, under specific historical circumstances, it strives to produce texts that
will be recognized by individual historians and provides these texts to readers, who will make their own judgments. Whether
these texts are true will be decided through the uses they produce. In this way, any historiographical practice will be an
experiment conducted by an historian in the present and that will consist in searching for the truth about the past. The success
of this experiment will depend entirely on the experimental environment, that is, on the conditions provided by the reading
environment.
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Translated from: Beijing Shifan Daxue Xuebao 北京师范大学学报 (Journal of Beijing Normal University), Vol. 5, 2004 相似文献
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Dongjie Wang 《Frontiers of History in China》2006,1(3):449-475
From the late Qing Dynasty to the Republican period, there was a transition on the understanding of the relationship between
China as a state and its localities. Local and national consciousness generally supported each other but were in conflict
at times. In this essay the author intends to explore the reasons and influences of the Sichuan people’s criticism of the
Chuanxing suoji (Rambling Notes on Sichuan) letter written by Chen Hengzhe, and analyze the interplay between local and national consciousness in the early days when
the Nanjing government controlled Sichuan. The uproar caused by the article also showed the gap between mainstream intellectuals
and peripheral intellectuals.
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Translated from: Sichuan Daxue Xuebao Zhexue Shehui Kexue Ban 四川大学学报: 哲学社会科学版 (Journal of Sichuan University, Social Science Edition), No.1, 2004 相似文献
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Dezhang He 《Frontiers of History in China》2006,1(2):236-253
Although a split and turbulent age, the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties, known as the Six dynasties, witnessed
a continuous expansion of waterway communication and transportation between north and south China. A significant waterway
from Hangzhou to Tianjin held the greatest potential for development during this period, eventually leading to the construction
of the Grand Canal in the Sui dynasty.
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Translated from: Wuhan Daxue Xuebao 武汉大学学报: 人文科学版 (Wuhan University Journal, Humanity Sciences), Vol. 2, 2004 相似文献
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Yifeng Zhao 《Frontiers of History in China》2008,3(1):78-100
Majority of contemporary Chinese historians have been employing a conceptual framework focusing on the difficulty of capitalistic
development in China to analyze the historical trend and potentials of late imperial China. This approach based upon the presupposition
of viewing the pattern of Chinese history as abnormal reflects with the remaining influence of the Western-centric methodology.
Further, based upon a “normal” point of view, seven fundamental, irreversible, and systematical changes to the Ming society
could be identified. By conclusion, China in the Ming period was transforming into an imperial agric-mercantile society. This
process proves that late imperial China was not stagnate society without “history,” meanwhile, its pattern of development
was clearly not identical to the Western style modernization progress.
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Translated by Chen Cheng from Dongbei Shida Xuebao 东北师大学报(Journal of Northeast Normal University), 2007, (1): 5–13 相似文献
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Zhi’an Li 《Frontiers of History in China》2006,1(3):375-403
The vicious cycle of official corruption got worse unprecedentedly in the Yuan dynasty (ca. 1279–1368). Corrupt officials
at all levels from the local to the central governments were “extremely shameless and greedy.” Even many court ministers got
involved in the vicious cycle of corruption. The top officialdom was polluted and degenerated badly because the Mongolian
nobles made their “Sauqat” (taking gifts) tradition and the Semu, both official and merchant groups, took bribes as a way to amass wealth. Although the Mongol Yuan rulers did make a set
of anti-corruption policies such as detailed rules of censorship and inspection relating to corruption crimes, these didn’t
work well. Of all the reasons of the Yuan official corruption, the old Mongolian steppe traditions play the most important
role, which formed the context for the low salary, improper selection and poor quality of the officials and of bending the
law wrongly to pardon official misconduct.
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Translated from: Nankai Xuebao Zhexue Shehui Kexue Ban 南开学报: 哲学社会科学版 (Nankai Journal, Philosophy and Social Science Edition), Vol.5, 2004, by Zhang Weiwei 相似文献
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Chong Ai 《Frontiers of History in China》2006,1(3):404-426
The historical changes of the “Maowusu Desert” can be divided into three phases: the late Tang dynasty phase, the Song-Yuan-Ming
dynasty phase, and the late Ming dynasty to the present phase. Different parts of the desert were formed in different times,
with the northwestern part being the earliest to form. As all evidence shows, the Maowusu Desert in its early stage is believed
to have taken shape largely around the ancient site of the You state during the years of Tianbao in the Tang dynasty, which
is nowadays the eastern half of the Etuoke banner and Prior-Etuoke banner. The formation of the initial Maowusu Desert is
not attributed to the so-called over-cultivation from farming but to the long-time exceedingly quartered husbandry starting
from the 4th year of the Zhenguan to the years of Tianbao in the Tang dynasty, which resulted in the destruction of the ecology
of the natural grassland.
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Translated from: Shaanxi Shifan Daxue Xuebao 陕西师范大学学报 (Shaanxi Normal University Journal), No.3, 2004 相似文献
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Xue Pingshuan 《Frontiers of History in China》2006,1(2):254-275
As the capital of the Sui and Tang dynasties, Chang’an brought together large numbers of high-ranking officials, aristocrats,
local residents, and sojourners. The promise of profits caused by the high demand for consumer goods attracted merchants.
Chang’an was also the starting point of the renowned Silk Road. For all these reasons, Chang’an became a gathering point for
Small and medium-scale merchants, rich merchants, ethnic-minority merchants, and foreign merchants. All these merchants engaged
in a wide variety of business activities and made money by surprisingly diverse means. Those with great economic power were
quite active politically. The activities of these merchants symbolize the unprecedented growth of commerce in Chang’an and
reveal the high level of development of urban trade in the Sui and the Tang dynasties.
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Translated from: Shaanxi Shifan Daxue Xuebao 陕西师范大学学报: 哲学社会科学版(Journal of Shaanxi Normal University, Philosophy and Social Sciences Edition), No.2, 2004, by Fabien Simonis.
Fabien Simonis wish to thank Alexei Ditter for his help in translating poetic passages. 相似文献
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Xiugui Zhang 《Frontiers of History in China》2006,1(2):214-235
The famous battle of Chibi, or “battle of Red Cliff”, took place in 208 CE, the 13th year of the Jian’an period of the Eastern Han dynasty. This paper holds that the whole battle consisted of three inseparable
stages, namely the initial clash at Chibi, the chase battle to Wulin, and Cao Cao’s disorganized escape along Huarong Road.
The Red Cliff battlefield thus extended across a distance of more than 300 li (150km). Even if the Chibi where the initial military engagement took place (that is, Chiji Hill, southwest of Wuchang in
modern Wuhan City) has already disappeared, it should be restored to its proper historical position. The chase battle along
the Yangzi River came to an end at Wulin, across the river is Chibi Hill in today’s Chibi City. Although this Chibi is not
the Chibi where the initial combat took place, it nonetheless forms an integral part of the ancient Chibi battlefield as a
whole. The Huarong Road along which Cao Cao escaped runs through the middle of today’s Jianghan Plain. Finally, the text aims
to show that Chibi (Red Nose) Hill in modern Huangzhou City has nothing to do with the Chibi of the “battle of Red Cliff.”
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Translated from: Fudan Xuebao 复旦学报: 社会科学版 (Fudan Journal, Social Sciences), No.3, 2004, by Han Zhaoqing and Fabien Simonis. Han Zhaoqing thanks Merrick
Lex Berman for his help in revising this version 相似文献