Work,Poverty and Modernity in Mayhew's London

Mayhew's understanding of work in London has not been considered a great success. His accounts of workers were sentimental and erratic and his ambivalence to political economy prevented him from fully understanding the relationship between work and poverty. As the century progressed, it was Marx and Booth who provided systematic and sustained studies of the labour question. However, as this article argues, the circulation of facts, moral judgements and guesswork that filled the pages of London Labour and the London Poor offers a fair representation of a metropolitan manufacturing economy that was characterized by uncertainty, speculation and shifting boundaries of capital and labour. In particular, Mayhew's demonization of small masters, the working poor who set up as independent producers and whom he blamed for over-competition, drew out a contradiction in contemporary understandings of capitalism: large-scale capital and well-organized labour were seen as progressive and modern but small businesses were flexible and adaptable and were for many the only hope of escaping poverty and breaking out of the ranks of labour. As such, it is Mayhew rather than Marx or Booth that best exposes the tensions between the aspirations of the working poor and the paradigms of social investigators that insisted on distinguishing capital from labour.     

Pressure distribution in a reservoir affected by capillarity and hydrodynamic drive: Griffin Field, North West Shelf, Australia

The effects of capillarity in a multilayered reservoir with flow in the aquifer beneath have characteristic signatures on pressure–elevation plots. Such signatures are observed for the Griffin and Scindian/Chinook fields of the Carnarvon Basin North West Shelf of Australia. The Griffin and Scindian/Chinook fields have a highly permeable lower part to the reservoir, a less permeable upper part, and a low permeability top seal. In the Griffin Field there is a systematic tilt of the free‐water level in the direction of groundwater flow. Where the oil–water contact occurs in the less permeable part of the reservoir, it lies above the free‐water level due to capillarity. In addition to these observable hydrodynamic and capillary effects on hydrocarbon distribution, the multi‐well pressure analysis shows that the gas–oil contacts in the Scindian/Chinook fields occur at different elevations. For both the Griffin and Scindian/Chinook fields the oil pressure gradients from each well are non‐coincident despite continuous oil saturation, and the difference is not attributable to data error. Furthermore, the shift in oil pressure gradient has a geographical pattern seemingly linked to the hydrodynamics of the aquifer. The simplest explanation for all the observed pressure trends is an oil leg that is still in the process of equilibrating with the prevailing hydrodynamic regime.     

Philip of Novara's account of the war between Frederick II of Hohenstaufen and the Ibelins

Philip of Novara, a writer of Frankish Outremer, is notable primarily for the variety of his works, in which he gives ample evidence of a close acquaintance with a large body of medieval French literature. His aesthetic concerns stand him in good stead when he comes to construct his history of the wars between Frederick II of Hohenstaufen and the supporters of John of Ibelin, for the narrative he produces is remarkably coherent and well-organized. However, such is his interest in imaginative literature in particular that on occasion he chooses to neglect his responsibilities as a historian. In his account Philip includes a number of poems, and it would seem that the real circumstances of their composition have been obscured in order to justify their presence in what is supposed to be a record of authentic, experienced events. Similarly, in certain of the speeches Philip attributes to John of Ibelin, historical truth is sacrificed even more readily than is usual in favour of purely literary considerations.     

Philip of Novara's account of the war between Frederick II of Hohenstaufen and the Ibelins

Philip of Novara, a writer of Frankish Outremer, is notable primarily for the variety of his works, in which he gives ample evidence of a close acquaintance with a large body of medieval French literature. His aesthetic concerns stand him in good stead when he comes to construct his history of the wars between Frederick II of Hohenstaufen and the supporters of John of Ibelin, for the narrative he produces is remarkably coherent and well-organized. However, such is his interest in imaginative literature in particular that on occasion he chooses to neglect his responsibilities as a historian. In his account Philip includes a number of poems, and it would seem that the real circumstances of their composition have been obscured in order to justify their presence in what is supposed to be a record of authentic, experienced events. Similarly, in certain of the speeches Philip attributes to John of Ibelin, historical truth is sacrificed even more readily than is usual in favour of purely literary considerations.     

Discourse on the Docks: Containerization and Inter-Union Work Disputes in US Ports, 1955–85

Research on labour markets has often focused on the economics of work location. Far less attention has been paid to how labour markets are constructed discursively. In this paper, I analyse how the creation of rival discourses concerning traditions of work were central elements in the efforts of two unions to structure local labour markets, in order to retain work for their members in the face of technological innovation. The struggle between the two unions centred on their abilities to construct rival discourses concerning the historical geography of work in the industry. These formed the basis for judicial interpretations concerning whether the actions of the dockers' union represented a legal work preservation action or an illegal work acquisition measure. Such interpretations shaped the subsequent evolution of work and labour markets in the industry. The ability of economic actors to shape discourse in their favour can be a powerful force in the regulation of local labour markets, and thus in the production of economic landscapes.     

‘Working of the Train Gang’: Alienation,Liminality and Communitas in the UK Preserved Railway Sector

The article initially draws upon the notion of non‐alienated labour to explain the motivations of volunteers who offer their time and expertise freely to the running of steam and diesel locomotives within UK preserved railways. It suggests that in this instance the concept is flawed in that volunteers operate outside the cash nexus. In drawing upon the anthropological concepts of liminality and communitas it aims to develop the notion of non‐alienated labour by adding a subjective dimension. It argues that volunteers working on preserved railways are modern‐day pilgrims through their moving in and out of different identities as they seek solace in the certainty of operating and working in complex and highly satisfying workplaces.     

Working Groups or Wage Labour? Cash-crops,Reciprocity and Money among the Maka of Southeastern Cameroon

The spread of cocoa cultivation among the Maka in the 1950s created new labour demands. These were not met by wage labour, as in most cocoa producing areas, but rather by a novel system of working groups. Specific economic factors can help to explain why wage labour did not develop within the villages, but it is also clear that the preference of the Maka for more cooperative labour arrangements was related to broader socio-cultural characteristics of this society—notably the somewhat paradoxical tension between strong levelling mechanisms and an equally strong emphasis on personal ambition. The new working groups were based on reciprocal exchange of labour, but money came to play an increasing role in their functioning. They allowed for a certain degree of commodification of labour to the advantage of richer farmers, but ultimately they restricted the rise of more structural inequalities. The recent crisis in cash-cropping makes it clear that a system of working groups can offer farmers more flexibility than wage labour in the face of the vagaries of world-market prices.     

The Wannsee Conference in 1942 and the National Socialist living space dystopia

The Wannsee Conference is still largely understood as the ‘echo’ of an earlier decision to annihilate European Jewry. This article questions this assumption on three grounds. First, it does not fully acknowledge that it did not call for a systematic and immediate mass murder of all Jews. Secondly, it mistakenly concludes that because the conference targeted only Jews, it also emerged from within the narrower confines of the regime's anti-Jewish policies. Thirdly, and as a consequence, this assumption represents a retrospective reading of the conference that straightens the ‘twists’ that even at this late point in time still characterized the ‘road to Auschwitz’. This article offers a different interpretation. Situating the Wannsee Conference in the broader context of Nazi Germanization policies, the article will show how Heydrich's actions at Wannsee can be better understood as a response to early failures in Germanizing annexed Poland and the settlement fantasies coming out of the SS apparatus after the invasion of the Soviet Union. While the Wannsee Conference undoubtedly was an attempt by the SS to consolidate its control over anti-Jewish policies, it was also a way for Heydrich to reclaim lost influence in the broader field of Nazi population policies by aligning the treatment of ‘enemy populations’ with the grander vision of a ‘German East’. This Nazi dystopia not only called for destroying Jewish existence in Europe, but demanded that even the way in which Jews were killed would serve the Nazi cause. For this reason, this article argues for understanding the minutes of the meeting literally. Having learned the lessons from previous failures, while at the same time under pressure to support the megalomaniacal settlement plans, Heydrich actually meant what he said when he dictated the protocol condemning Jews not to their immediate death but to annihilation through labour.     

The year of king Harald Fairhair's access to the throne according to Theodoricus monachus

The misunderstanding of vices superbae at Carm. 1. 28. 32 has led to complicated interpretations. This article takes superbae as an interesting instance of enallage adiectivi (approximately?=?poena superbiae tuae). - At Carm. 3. 14. 11 the author discusses nominatis/ ominatis vs. Bentley's conjecture inominatis (adopted by Shackleton Bailey) which he is decidedly in favour of.     

Thurlow, Eldon and Lyndhurst and the Management of the House of Lords

From 1783 to 1846 lord chancellors played an important role in managing the business of the house of lords. Not surprisingly, as the career of Lord Thurlow will illustrate, their position was not as strong as it had been before 1783 when the office of leader of the House was created. Before then a chancellor could manage the House by himself, as Thurlow did, and Eldon from 1801 to 1803 when there was no regular leader. Yet even when there was a leader, a chancellor could be a major force. Lord Grenville, the first strong leader, yearned for one who would play the role of an active second-in-command. Eldon played it, but more at the beginning than toward the end of his career. This was because of clashes with Lord Liverpool, who had been leader of the House before he became prime minister. But long since, Eldon had become a power in his own right as the revered head of the high tories. Lord Lyndhurst played the role to perfection because of his long partnership with the duke of Wellington, who trusted and admired him.     

Propaganda in English medieval historiography

Propaganda occurs sporadically in the chronicles of medieval England, mainly in official histories (that is those commissioned by authority) and quasi-official ones (those not actually commissioned but representing the authority's point of view). It ranges from mere eulogy to forceful argument which may even involve deliberate misrepresentation. In monastic chronicles the propaganda is generally on behalf of the monastery itself, and is rarely that of the central government; in fact such chronicles tend to be critical of king and government. Government propaganda occurs more frequently in chronicles by other groups of writers, notably secular clerks. Although very few non-monastic chronicles were actually commissioned by the king (the only indisputable examples belong to the reign of Edward IV), a few are quasi-official, written probably to attract patronage and/or in a literary mode, especially that of romance literature, which tended to favour the king.Clearly government-sponsored history established no continuous tradition in England, comparable to that, for example, in France. Nor were quasi-official histories numerous. Therefore it seems that government propaganda was not congenial to most chroniclers in England, an impression confirmed by the fact that it only left a significant mark on the chronicles in exceptional circumstances, for instance at times of political crisis. Moreover, the chronicles containing it were by foreigners and/or were written when continental influence was particularly strong at court. The historiographical genre most characteristic of medieval England was the monastic chronicle, with its strong local attachments and generally independent attitude to the central government.     

Propaganda in English medieval historiography

Propaganda occurs sporadically in the chronicles of medieval England, mainly in official histories (that is those commissioned by authority) and quasi-official ones (those not actually commissioned but representing the authority's point of view). It ranges from mere eulogy to forceful argument which may even involve deliberate misrepresentation. In monastic chronicles the propaganda is generally on behalf of the monastery itself, and is rarely that of the central government; in fact such chronicles tend to be critical of king and government. Government propaganda occurs more frequently in chronicles by other groups of writers, notably secular clerks. Although very few non-monastic chronicles were actually commissioned by the king (the only indisputable examples belong to the reign of Edward IV), a few are quasi-official, written probably to attract patronage and/or in a literary mode, especially that of romance literature, which tended to favour the king.Clearly government-sponsored history established no continuous tradition in England, comparable to that, for example, in France. Nor were quasi-official histories numerous. Therefore it seems that government propaganda was not congenial to most chroniclers in England, an impression confirmed by the fact that it only left a significant mark on the chronicles in exceptional circumstances, for instance at times of political crisis. Moreover, the chronicles containing it were by foreigners and/or were written when continental influence was particularly strong at court. The historiographical genre most characteristic of medieval England was the monastic chronicle, with its strong local attachments and generally independent attitude to the central government.     

The Bullock Report on Industrial Democracy and the Post-War Consensus

The post-war settlement among the policy elite is central to much historical literature. This article considers the rise and fall of the idea of ‘industrial democracy’, and its relationship to this settlement. The elite failed to respond coherently to claims for workplace democracy. The notion that politicians could work with ‘the unions’ and ‘industry’ was shown to be deficient. The unions contained numerous views, many hostile to industrial democracy in the form proposed by Bullock and the TUC. Industry was almost uniformly antagonistic. The notion of consensus ostensibly underpinned the attempts of Labour and Conservative politicians to progress this issue. In truth, this was a curious approach. The debate over Bullock was, at root, an argument over whether the owners of capital should cede some of their power in favour of organised labour. There was never likely to be agreement on this. The inconclusive debate over Bullock ultimately showed how fragile the consensus was. The political elite could not forever smooth over underlying disagreements between capital and labour, or between groups of workers with differing interests.     

Should we Abstain? Spousal Equality in Twelfth‐century Byzantine Canon Law

Spousal equality was not an ideal to which medieval societies generally aspired. Discussions about social order advocated a strict hierarchical structure: the man was to be the head of the household and the master of his wife. Did this subservient state of the wife extend to all spheres of family life or was there a space where spouses could act as equals? In this article I focus on one aspect of Byzantine spousal relations: the marital bed. I argue that there was a difference between lay and clerical couples. Among the Byzantine laity, husband and wife were equally responsible for deciding whether to engage in sexual intercourse. Canon law addressed lay husbands and wives as a couple. Among the clergy, however, the husband's responsibilities towards his flock sometimes required him to decide unilaterally in favour of abstinence. According to the law, it was the cleric's duty to ensure that this happened. As such it was he who was addressed and asked to abstain from his wife. More generally, the clerical status of the husband complicated the situation and needs to be taken into account before any generalisations are made about gender inequality.     

Imperial reproductions: The circulation of colonial images across popular genres and media in the 1920s and 1930s

The Fascist phase of the Italian colonial experience was characterized by the diffusion of colonial discourses and imagery across Italian culture. Significantly, it was frequent for the same people to produce texts belonging to diverse genres, often cutting across different media and irrespective of distinctions between elite and popular audiences. Concentrating on representations of the East African territories which were eventually to constitute the Africa Orientale Italiana (AOI) , the article analyses the way in which a selected number of images of the colonies spread across different genres and media, arguing in favour of an interdisciplinary approach to colonial processes of representation. Textual and visual mappings of Africa inscribed its territories with European symbols, value systems and signifiers. Geographers and travel writers, in particular, had a fundamental role in creating not only the physical but also the mental space for colonization. They enacted the transformation of East Africa from the dangerous and unmapped setting of the heroic acts of individual explorers to the stage for a collective colonial effort. In their footsteps there followed the discourse of tourism and the tourist industry, which was meant to integrate the image of the colonies with that of the peninsula.     

Are we postmodern yet? The cultural politics of Australian intellectual workers

Intellectuals are often thought strategic in social change, but theories of postmodernity and globalisation call traditional accounts of the intelligentsia into question. A survey of 500 intellectual workers in Australia explored these questions. Two dimensions in cultural politics were identified, and indices of ‘Support of Market’ and ‘Cultural Optimism’ constructed. Bivariate and multivariate relations with demographic background, labour process issues, globalisation and cultural orientation were examined. The findings argued against ‘convergence’ between academic and corporate sectors, and in favour of recognising material and industrial forces in the shaping of consciousness. Disenchantment is not a general condition but is associated with specific experience, and the intellectual workforce shows definable contours of difference rather than either postmodern fluidity or positioning for social change.     

建安文学史料丛札（三则）

本说明下列三事：一．孔融《与曹操论盛孝章书》论及的盛孝章,名宪,其人为台郎时曾与孔融结义为兄弟,后任吴郡太守,他在孙策时处境已很困难;后为孙权所杀,而此事后来成为曹操抨击孙权的一大罪状。二．刘桢在初平三年(192)已与曹操有所联系,正式依附曹操则当在建安初(196)建都于许昌之后,但长期未能得到重用。三．曹丕两次提到的南皮之游在建安十年(205)夏,参加尚有吴质、阮璃、曹休、曹真等人。     

Iceland and the Nordic Model of Consensus Democracy

The Nordic countries – including Iceland – have been portrayed in the political-science literature as consensual democracies, enjoying a high degree of legitimacy and institutional mechanisms which favour consensus-building over majority rule and adversarial politics. In this explorative article the author argues that consensus politics, meaning policy concertation between major interest groups in society, a tendency to form broad coalitions in important political issues and a significant cooperation between government and opposition in Parliament, is not an apt term to describe the political reality in Iceland during the second half of the 20th century. Icelandic democracy is better described as more adversarial than consensual in style and practice. The labour market was rife with conflict and strikes more frequent than in Europe, resulting in strained government–trade union relationship. Secondly, Iceland did not share the Nordic tradition of power-sharing or corporatism as regards labour market policies or macro-economic policy management, primarily because of the weakness of Social Democrats and the Left in general. Thirdly, the legislative process did not show a strong tendency towards consensus-building between government and opposition with regard to government seeking consultation or support for key legislation. Fourthly, the political style in legislative procedures and public debate in general tended to be adversarial rather than consensual in nature.     

'Help! The Poles are coming': Narrating a contemporary moral panic

In the years and months prior to the May 2004 enlargement of the European Union, transitional periods of two to possibly seven years were imposed upon free movement of labour for immigrant workers from new (Eastern European) member states by a majority of ‘old’ member states. This article aims to scrutinize fear of mass migration from new member states by examining where (ir)rationality and political opportunism meet in the perception of this particular flow of labour migration as a cause for contemporary moral panic. To this purpose, the article starts with embedding the notion of fear of mass migration in literature on moral panics, risk society and the ‘othering’ of economic migrants as strangers and folk devils. By means of a case study narrative of the decision‐making process on the free movement issue in the Netherlands, it is subsequently demonstrated that ‘politics of fear’ are deeply rooted in the uncontrollability of mobilities of an unknown magnitude and an uncertain impact on, for instance, domestic labour markets. Beyond rationalizable concerns of job loss, however, labour migrants from new member states are also feared as threats to borders of morality and identity in Western European societies. The narrative's results are placed within a wider context of current boundary drawings with regard to migration in the enlarging European Union.     

The ‘Political’ Economies of Central America: Foreign Aid and Labour Remittances

This paper reviews recent literature to show how foreign aid and labour remittances have transformed Central America's macroeconomy, state apparatus and class structure over the last ten years. They have lifted real exchange rates, changed the composition of investment, lowered food prices, and directly supported large numbers of people. Control over these resources is now a major focus of political activity and donors play a greater role in economic policy. Project administration has become a major function of the state. Planning and public sector personnel management have become more difficult. Foreign funds have favoured decentralization and increased participation, but they have also weakened the core capacity of the state to execute policies. Transfers have fomented new social groups including sectors supported by remittances, foreign-financed soldiers, public employees, non-traditional export producers, financial intermediaries who channel remittances and refugees.