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In contrast to Peter K. Andersson, Steinbach argues that there is a great deal of scholarly work on working-class Victorians and that the works of Norbert Elias and Michel Foucault are not particularly influential. She argues, first, that ‘middle class’ and ‘respectability’ are terms more useful to Victorian Studies than Andersson’s ‘bourgeoisie’ and ‘civilized’; second, that interdisciplinarity is too difficult to achieve and maintain, both on the individual and the institutional levels. She concludes by proposing that Victorian Studies instead commit to a multidisciplinary model.  相似文献   

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The crisis of the 1960s is now central to debates about religious change and secularisation in the twentieth century. However, the nature of the crisis is contested. Using Hugh McLeod's The Religious Crisis of the 1960s (2007) as a starting point, this article explores the issues that divide scholars — the origin and length of the crisis (was it revolution or evolution?); was it generated more by developments within the Christian churches or by developments without them; and what was the relative importance of liberal Christianity versus conservative Christianity in the development and legacy of the crisis? It argues that secularisation of the period should be regarded as mostly a sudden and shocking event, based on external threats, and reflected in the churches dividing between liberals and conservatives in ways that were to become ever more militant as the century wore on.  相似文献   

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Abstract

An individual claiming to be related to the Emperor Romanos IV Diogenes (1068–71) took part in a major Cuman invasion of Byzantium on the eve of the First Crusade. This article assesses the date of the assault, which is recorded by the Russian Primary Chronicle, by John Zonaras, and by Anna Komnene in the Alexiad . The identity of the man referred to as the False Diogenes by the Byzantine sources is considered, and it is argued that, rather than being an impostor, the individual in question may well indeed have been the son of Romanos IV Diogenes. Modern scholars have tended to ignore this possibility, instead following Anna Komnene's meticulous character assassination of the man who accompanied the nomad attack. This paper therefore also seeks to address the question of the identity of ‘Pseudo-Diogenes’, to examine Anna Komnene's methods of savaging a natural rival to her father for the imperial throne, and to assess her motives for doing so.  相似文献   

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Inflation may be looked upon as a deferred consumption tax which reduces consumer purchasing power through high prices to compensate for earlier excess expansions of credit. A portion of this excess borrowing is by government to finance deficits. The inflation cost may then be compared by family–income class with the alternative income taxes needed to avoid inflation by eliminating the deficits. By this calculation for 1965–75, the inflation cost was highly regressive, with an effective rate of 17 percent on. families below $5,000, and 17 times greater than such families would have had to pay in income taxes. Meantime, the effective inflationary tax rate for wealthy families over $50,000 in income was a bonus, or tax rebate, of one percent.  相似文献   

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A method is described which can be used to calculate the number of tumours that might be expected to occur in a group of skeletons. The method of calculation is based on published data that relate to the frequency with which various primary tumours metastasize to bone and on the number of deaths from malignant disease at the turn of the century. The method has been applied to one archaeological site and the results indicate that the number of tumours found—although very small—is within the limits suggested by the model.  相似文献   

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Langdon Winner. Autonomous Technology, Technics‐out‐of‐control as a Theme in Political Thought. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1977. x + 384 pp. Notes and index. $17.50.  相似文献   

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A later Pleistocene Khoisan peopling of eastern Africa has been suggested by most researchers. The evidence cited consists of a few isolated crania, archaeological occurrences described as Wilton, rock paintings and scattered populations of present-day hunter-gatherers speaking languages with clicks and viewed as bearing some physical resemblances to living Khoisan groups. When these different lines of evidence are evaluated, it is clear that there is no strong basis for retaining the concept of later Pleistocene Khoisan populations in eastern Africa. Instead, the available data suggest that the later Pleistocene and Holocene eastern Africans were tall, linear peoples.
Résumé La plupart des chercheurs proposent que l'est de l'Afrique a été peuplé pendant le Pléistocène tardif par des gens Khoisan. Les témoignages citées par ces auteurs consistent en quelques crânes isolés, des mobiliers archêologiques catégorisés comme du type Wilton, des peintures rupestres, et la répartition actuelle de quelques groupes sociaux bien parsemés de chasseurs-cueilleurs qui parlent des langues avec des claquements et qu'on pense à ressembler physiquement à quelques peuples Khoisan d'aujourd'hui. Quand ces lignes de raisonnement sont évaluées individualement, il se manifeste qu'il n'y a aucune base solide qui peut nous justifier à garder l'hypothèse de la présence des gens Khoisan dans l'est de l'Afrique pendant le Pléistocène tardif. Au contraire, les données disponibles nous amènent à penser que les gens est-africains au Pléistocène tardif ainsi qu'à l'Holocene étaient de haute taille et mince.
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Much has been said since the 2000 presidential election regarding the administration of elections in the United States, particularly about how election administrators are selected and to whom they are responsive. Unfortunately, there has been little research on the different administrative structures that are possible and the preferences of Americans regarding these different administrative options. In this article we present the results from a national survey of American adults in which we asked them their preference for whether elections should be run by partisan or nonpartisan officials, whether the officials should be elected or appointed, and whether the administration of elections should be by a single unitary executive or by an election board. In addition to eliciting the basic preferences of Americans about these administrative choices, we also undertake a deeper analysis of these data to determine the underlying patterns in support for the different administrative options.  相似文献   

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《Northern history》2013,50(2):347-350
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Although the financial and economic crisis did not directly hit the international monetary system, it has lead to the rethinking of the overall architecture that underpins the world economy. Can the current system of floating currency blocs with dollar‐based trade and reserves withstand the strains of the global adjustment ahead? It is time to consider alternatives. This article argues that the existing system needs to evolve into a multicurrency one in which a number of international currencies, ideally representing the main trading areas, have the function of storing value and providing the unit of measure. A multicurrency system would respond more flexibly to the demand for liquidity and would provide a way to diversify the accumulation of reserve assets. It is also more appropriate for the increasingly multipolar world economy. The article discusses how in today's larger and more integrated world economy the dependence on the dollar as the basis of both trade flows and financial reserves has become excessive, creating some fundamental imbalances. However, while the rationale for change is clear, the current system is locked in a form of stable disequilibrium where the status quo carries the lowest risk for most players in the short‐term. Any abrupt move away from the dollar could trigger trade flow disruption and exchange value losses. Policy cooperation should keep the imbalances under control and manage the transition to a more stable system. The system will evolve, albeit gradually. Looking at the steps taken by some countries, notably China, there is the gathering impression that this decade is one of transition, rather than a ‘Bretton Woods moment’. Any reshaping will have to bring in the views of the ‘rising powers’, China in particular, and their concerns about the limitations of the existing system and the increasingly asymmetric burden of adjustment that it imposes.  相似文献   

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