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The debate on the primacy of foreign policy, whichraged throughout the 1960s and 1970s, has long since peteredout. The introductory chapter to this collection of new studiesin the primacy of foreign policy in German history begins bysummarizing its main tenets, and tries to sketch the historiographicalbackground in broad outline. It notes that the primacy of foreignpolicy was neither completely unchallenged before about 1960,nor totally eclipsed by 1980. More importantly, this chapterdraws attention to the remarkable renaissance which the primacyof foreign policy has enjoyed, objectively if not always subjectively,over the past decade. The result has been to put the state,and especially the struggle between states, back at the centreof historical attention. Finally, the chapter stresses the thematic,geographical, methodological and chronological diversity ofthe four path breaking case studies which make up this specialissue. These range from the late eighteenth to the mid-twentiethcenturies, and they illuminate the primacy of foreign policyfrom the perspective of Vienna as well as Berlin, from the civil-militaryas well as the individual state perspective. The result, itis hoped, is an enhanced sense of the importance of the primacyof foreign policy in German history based on original research. 相似文献
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一战结束后,德国社会遭遇了政治、经济与社会的多重危机,政府权力亟待合法性认同,社会期稳定。魏玛政府力图把福利国家作为控制与解决危机的一种手段。1918-1920年间,魏玛的福利国家建设曾规范劳动市场、协调劳资关系、改革保险和救济政策、解决住房问题以及调整经济运作模式等方面掀起高潮从短时段看,这些实践活动确立了基本的福利国家原则,维护了政府权威,初步解决了战后德国的社会危机然而从长时段看,这一时期的福利实践存在许多问题,埋下了日后经济危机、社会危机乃至民主危机的隐患。 相似文献
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Lily Gardner Feldman 《International affairs》1999,75(2):333-356
Germany has sought 'reconciliation' with former foes as an ideal in foreign policy since 1949. Reconciliation remains a priority of new the SPD-Green coalition, as for all previous German governments since the Second World War, for both moral and pragmatic motives. In four bilateral cases of reconciliation in German foreign policy–with Israel, France, Poland, and the Czech Republic–the mix of pragmatism and morality differs depending on history, institutions, leadership, and the international context. Reconciliation with France and Poland is more institutionalized, more open, more embedded in the European Union, and more pragmatic than in the other two cases. In relationswith Israel and the Czech Republic, history and moral claims are more prominent. Institutions are important in all four cases, but they are not as dominant in the latter two cases. Political leadership is central in all four cases, navigating the relationships through periods of domestic opposition to bilateral partnership in processes of reconciliation that strive for an unachievable idea. 相似文献
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本文通过探讨1918—1920年间英国对土耳其采取的激进政策,集中分析了英国政府试图主导战后中近东局势,以有利于自己的方式解决土耳其问题的意图;深入阐释和论述了英国在政策实施过程中遇到的诸多矛盾,如土耳其民族主义运动的奋起抵抗,战时盟友法国和意大利在关键时刻的釜底抽薪,英国内阁的意见分歧等;进而揭示和论证了英国调整对土耳其政策的原因,论证了《色佛尔条约》成为战后最难产和约的原因。 相似文献
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Linda B. Hall 《外交史》2002,26(1):143-146
Book reviewed in this article:
Daniela Spenser, The Impossible Triangle: Mexico, Soviet Russia, and the United States in 1920s 相似文献
Daniela Spenser, The Impossible Triangle: Mexico, Soviet Russia, and the United States in 1920s 相似文献
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工业化冲击下的德意志帝国对外贸易及其政策 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
德意志帝国时期,工业逐步确立起在德国经济中的主导地位。由于工业化的冲击,德意志帝国时期的对外贸易量和外贸结构都发生了巨大变化,德国逐渐成为外向型经济国家。与此同时,德国的对外贸易政策也出现了因时而进的调整。 相似文献