试论雅典的外邦人

雅典的外邦人(Metics)是研究雅典城邦所必须关注的重要问题之一。作为一个主要由外来移民所组成的特殊社会阶层,外邦人既有别于雅典公民和奴隶,亦不同于一般的外来者。与公民相比,外邦人在雅典的司法实践中被严格地排斥于政治生活之外,因此并不具有任何特权;而与奴隶相比,外邦人在经济文化领域具有一定的自主权并产生了巨大的社会影响,这就弥补了其政治权利上的缺失。外邦人这一独特的身份,揭示出雅典城邦具有开放与排外的双重属性。     

述论古典时期雅典城市的公共空间

本文主要论述古典时期雅典城市依托于公共建筑所形成的三类公共空间,即宗教性公共空间、市政性公共空间和文体性公共空间.雅典城市公共空间为城邦公有,向公众开放,是真正意义上的公有和公用空间,是城邦公共活动的中心.公共空间的形成和发展是希腊古典文化繁荣的重要基石.     

公民宗教与城邦政权——雅典城邦的宗教管理

本文通过对雅典城邦中神务人员与宗教律法的梳理,通过对雅典城邦所表现出来的所谓宗教自由与压抑的讨论发现,雅典城邦政权对宗教的管理是城邦政务的一个组成部分,而宗教管理中所体现出来的共同体意识表明了城邦政权对公民宗教的尊重、对大众利益的服从。城邦政权与宗教之间是一种相互影响、彼此支撑的关系。     

柏拉图《法律篇》土地与农业法条译注

柏拉图《法律篇》中,雅典外邦人与对话者一同为虚构城邦马格奈西亚制定了一系列法律,其中部分是与农业生产生活和土地相关的法律.结合其他史料,这些法律有助于理解希腊城邦的属性.本篇译文系据伯奈特校勘本《法律篇》迻译.     

论德尔菲外邦代理人制的礼仪性

外邦代理人制度是古希腊邦际关系中的一项制度。古希腊城邦常以相关法令任命某城公民为本邦在该城的外邦代理人。泛希腊宗教圣地德尔菲颁布的相关法令存世最多。该城自公元前5世纪末起即刊刻相关铭文,并于公元前3世纪达到顶峰。以德尔菲为代表的宗教圣地虽沿袭了此项制度,但其法令的措辞与实际功能均有别于其他城邦。在德尔菲,外邦代理人只是礼仪性的嘉奖,其实用性已然弱化。     

试析苏格拉底对雅典民主政治的认同

苏格拉底审判被认为是雅典哲学家与民主政治冲突的典型案例,但是很少有人注意到苏格拉底与雅典民主的一致之处。苏格拉底将父子关系从私人领域转移到公共领域,认为公民是法律的产物,公民的出生、成长、教育都仰仗于雅典法律的规定。他之所以能自由地从事哲学事业,也是拜法律所赐。为了报答城邦,公民就应该遵守城邦法律、积极参与公共生活,并使用自己的"特殊禀赋"为城邦服务。苏格拉底认为自己的"特殊禀赋"就是做一只教育公众的牛虻,叮咬雅典这匹懒惰懈怠的马,这也是履行公民职责、报答城邦的一种方式,符合雅典人共同的政治理念。因此,苏格拉底的哲学与雅典民主是兼容的,而审判是伯罗奔尼撒战争后特殊的历史社会条件下的偶然事件。     

古典时期雅典城邦对贫富差距的制度调适

古典时期(600-338BC.),雅典城邦通过施行解负令、公民兵制、公职津贴制、征收非常财产税和公益捐等制度,抑制最富有的阶层,扶持最贫困的阶层,强化中等阶层,从而缓解了因贫富差距增大而引发的社会矛盾与激烈冲突,保证了雅典城邦的社会安定与发展.     

戏剧公演与雅典城邦政治

以古典政治文化理念的视角来考察希腊公民集体社会生活,城邦戏剧公演活动实际上是城邦民主政治实践的一种重要形式。雅典酒神节戏剧公演活动中诸参与者之种种表现,与他们在城邦公共领域中作为政治行为主体所各自扮演的角色是一致的。戏剧公演,反映出古典时代雅典城邦与社会、大众与精英、男性与女性、公民与奴隶等特定社会关系的丰富性,无异于是对雅典政治真实面貌的生动展现。     

阿吉纽西审判与雅典民主政治

阿吉纽西审判历来被视为民主可能破坏法治的经典案例。但透过对色诺芬和狄奥多鲁斯等记载的深入分析发现,将军们在救援落海水手过程中,存在处置不当、救援不力的过失,导致雅典因非战斗原因大量减员,激起了雅典人的不满。在审判过程中,受命负责救援行动的泰拉麦奈斯及其支持者卡利克塞努斯等人利用雅典人的愤怒,在议事会提出非法议案,又利用公民大会出席者成分的变化,两次击败了公民大会从法治途径解决问题的努力,致使六名将军被处死。这场审判与其说体现了民主与法治之间的紧张,不如说是希腊城邦固有弱点,使得精英阶级利用政治经验和势力以及民主政治的宽容,突破了雅典城邦的法治壁垒。阿吉纽西审判的发生,是长期战争对城邦制度的压力、将军们的失误以及精英阶级操纵等多重因素共同导致的结果。     

狄奥尼索斯崇拜与雅典民主政治

在雅典,狄奥尼索斯崇拜等宗教活动与城邦政治彼此和谐地交融在一起。狄奥尼索斯崇拜具有消融社会等级界限、增强社会成员凝聚力性的功能,在雅典民主政治形成的过程中弱化了平民和贵族之间的矛盾,对塑造雅典民主政治的意识发挥了积极作用。梭伦改革前后,酒神狄奥尼索斯的形象大量地出现在瓶画等艺术作品上。庇西忒拉图时期,建立了城邦共同庆祝的城市酒神节。克里斯提尼改革时,酒神颂歌比赛成为融合各部落团结的重要手段。而在雅典民主政体巩固和发展的过程中,城邦对狄奥尼索斯崇拜活动也进行了细致的管理,城市酒神节成为表达城邦意识的主要场合。     

Die Rituelle ΔiaboΛ

It has been suggested that the Athenian citizens were prevented by over‐riding moral values from being engaged in the grain trade, which could be very profitable. Trade as such was seen as a dirty job. This article will bring into focus other explanations of their passivity in this sector of the Athenian economy. The technical problems always offered by long‐distance trade and the complicated loan‐transactions behind every trading venture made metics and other foreigners key persons as grain merchants as well as financiers in this risky trade.     

贵族话语与雅典民主政治的关系——以“刺杀僭主”叙事为中心

传统观点认为,虽然古典时期的雅典人创造了民主制,但并未发展出相应的民主政治话语,贵族的传统价值观和意识形态始终在民主政治中居于主导地位。然而,对"刺杀僭主"叙事的分析表明,贵族发明的话语传统可以在公共空间内被大众转化为城邦的政治话语,进而在新的历史语境中被民主化,为民主政治话语提供符号、仪式和形象,成为民主制的有机组成部分。这说明,古典时期雅典民主政治对旧时代政治符号的继承,并不等于贵族话语对民主政治的胜利。能够在新的政治语境中对旧叙事进行创造性改编,反而说明民主政治有能力利用旧传统的养分,创造出属于自身的政治话语。     

L'impérialisme institutionnel et la question de la race chez Aristote

In the wake of the current revival of the historiography of racism, this article focuses on the claim that Aristotle is the progenitor of the concept in the West. If a purely textual analysis of Aristotelian political writings can lead to such a conclusion, the historicising of these writings leads to a different result. Rejecting the idea that the normative function of the work of Aristotle is limited to the Athenian polis, this article demonstrates that the imperial context should serve as an ‘available light’ by which the meaning of certain Aristotelian key concepts, including nature, the ‘divine man’ and the natural slave. In doing so, the central role of prohairesis in Aristotle's conception of human nature is highlighted.     

民众的统治抑或奴隶主贵族阶级的寡头统治?——雅典民主政治新论

长期以来,学术界对雅典民主政治的认识一直存在"民众的统治"与"贵族和富人或者奴隶主阶级的寡头统治"两种截然对立的观点.本文通过对雅典民主政治中政治领袖与民众权力的考察和分析,得出结论:雅典民主政治既非"民众的统治",也不是"贵族和富人或者奴隶主阶级的寡头统治",而是民众与政治领袖的共治.民主政治权力为民众和政治领袖所共享.     

与民众结盟——阿尔克迈翁家族与雅典民主的诞生

阿尔克迈翁家族是长期活跃于雅典政坛的一大显赫家族。该家族成员多次被流放但又都回到雅典重掌权力;曾与僭主竞争,又在僭主统治下任职;曾主持民主改革,又始终保持贵族理想。可以说,它的发展兴衰及其与其他家族的相互斗争深刻影响了古风时代的雅典政治。本文将回顾阿尔克迈翁家族在公元前6世纪的政治历程,以考量它对于雅典民主政治和公民意识形成的作用。意图指出阿尔克迈翁家族的相关斗争是民主诞生的原动力,而在贵族争夺过程中觉醒的公民意识,则逐渐具备更大的反作用力,两者共同促成了民主的诞生。     

Geography and the study of Third World underdevelopment re-revisited

Progress in development geography has been recently associated with the shift of the perspective on underdevelopment from a right-wing, conservative standpoint to a leftward, liberal-radical position. Marxism often conceals its message in obscure rhetoric with moral overtones on colonialism, slavery, poverty, and underdevelopment. Liberal academics have lamely acceded to the dogmas of this once-assertive ideology. Marxist view have exerted a stimulus on debates, but could not provide answers to the issues of this discipline. The hopes of development and prosperity a generation ago have evaporated only to be replaced by news of economic malaise, the food crisis, and crushing debt. In the late 1980's geographers addressed Third World environmental issues. Blaikie and Brookfield examined environmental deterioration among elements of the population-environment issue. Lewis and Berry dealt with African environments and resources. Watts and Bassett touched on agrarian and political concerns in West Africa. Adams examined water resources development in Nigeria's Sokoto Valley. Bryceson analyzed the political economy of agriculture in Tanzania. Lawson depicted how government policy bore on agriculture and its regional pattern. Crush detailed the absorption of Swazi labor into the South African economy. Dayal described the deficiency diet of agricultural workers in Bangladesh. Others examined Africa's financial disaster, Japan's trade surplus, and the global population crisis. Nevertheless, the dearth of output on and neglect of Third World issues by human geographers awaits positive research publications.     

Immigration and Refugee Crises in Fourth-Century Greece: An Athenian Perspective

Abstract

The fourth-century B.C. was a period during which a large number of Greek cities were affected by civil wars, military conquests, and destruction, with the displacement of large numbers of men, women and children as a result. This has implications for the modern debate on Athenian attitudes to immigration, which normally focuses on just two groups of free non-citizens: adult, able-bodied men who moved to Athens voluntarily to take advantage of the city’s economic opportunities and (more recently) on the free non-citizen population who had come to Athens as slaves and who stayed on after their manumission. This article argues that refugees were likely to have constituted a considerable component of the migration to Athens during certain troubled periods in the course of the fourth century. This means that the size of Athens’s immigrant population was likely to have fluctuated considerably, that many of the refugees would have been destitute, that women and children (sometimes unaccompanied by adult male relatives) may have made up an even greater proportion of the non-citizen population than normally assumed, and, thus, that a considerable number of these immigrants would not have been able to contribute substantially to Athens’s grain trade or military. The implications of this for our assessment of the Athenian motives for admitting groups of refugees are discussed, and it is argued that the requirement that all male and all unaccompanied female immigrants had to find an Athenian sponsor and pay a special metic tax may have constituted a certain level of control over immigrant numbers.     

Cross-Border Trade Liberalization: The Case of Lokmaci/Ledra Gate in Divided Nicosia,Cyprus

In the divided Walled City of Nicosia, there are two separate markets: one in the Greek Cypriot South and one in the Turkish Cypriot North. The division is the result of the unresolved Cyprus Problem. However, UN-sponsored negotiations are gradually liberalizing trade as well as movement of people across the border. On 3 April 2008, the Ledra Street/Lokmaci Gate was opened, allowing people, tourists and shoppers to cross to the other side. This event was further stimulated by action on the part of various aid agencies, principally the European Union, United States Agency for International Development and United Nations Development Program, who had invested heavily in revitalization projects to restore historic and heritage sites in the area. These two complementary effects (i.e. revitalization projects and opening the Gate) have generated significant trade creation in the business district near the Gate. It is the overall aim of this paper to quantify the “trade creation effect”. The paper reports the results of a special survey of primary shop owners in the neighbourhood of the Gate in the northern part of the capital. The study finds empirical evidence of substantial trade creation, especially for Turkish Cypriots. However, this optimistic finding is clouded by the on-going bitterness of the last divided European capital surrounded by barbwires and minefields of the UN buffer zone that prevent maximum economic prosperity of a potential political settlement.     

雅典执政官任用程序的历史考察

执政官曾是雅典权重一时的官员,但是在大约300年的时间里,它的任用程序几次发生变化,由最初的贵族议会直接任命最终发展为民主式的抽签选举,在此过程中,其政治影响和地位也发生了戏剧性变化,从城邦最高官员沦落为普通公民都可担任的职务.整个过程实际体现了雅典由贵族政治向民主政治的逐渐过渡,因此是雅典政治民主化的缩影.