贵阳 历史点滴

1912年4月26日唐继尧就任贵州都督背景：1912年4月26日,临时大总统袁世凯任命唐继尧为贵州都督。原大汉贵州军政府都督杨荩诚调京,不准其率领北伐黔军回黔。     

明代贵州军屯浅论

在中国历史上,军屯是一种通过军事编制把劳动力与土地相配置从而进行生产的组织形式。历来的研究者大多从明初军制、卫所与军屯、军户制三方面来立论下笔。本文以明代贵州地方军屯问题为视角,主要从明代贵州卫所旗军数、明代贵州军屯生产两大方面来探讨明代贵州军屯的历史状况,通过对明代贵州军屯研究一丁点肤浅的探析,以期对明代贵州教军屯能有个一般性的了解。     

八百江东子弟在贵州──1949年二野军大二团从南京西进贵州追记

八百江东子弟在贵州──１９４９年二野军大二团从南京西进贵州追记贵州何健伟《南京史志》１９９３年第三期（总第六十期）刊载了马光汝、施则悌两位同志撰写的《解放初期轰动南京的投考＂军大＂热──忆二野军政大学在南京》一文后,激起了当年二野军大进军大西南,现仍...     

蒋在珍和新编第八师

一、早年及黔军生涯 蒋在珍（1896-1952）,字丕绪,贵州桐梓县官仓乡响水田人。小学毕业后,考入贵州讲武学堂,从此步人军旅生涯,先后任二十五军团长、旅长、师长,军阀混战时期为黔军周西成派系重要成员。周西成人主黔政时任国民革命军第二十五军第三师师长,驻黔北,并于遵义新城北大路（今延安路）口建房居住,任内于正安、道真等地镇压农民起义,令部下割取人耳领赏。     

不能忘却的记忆——黔人抗战史速写

正自民国以降,黔军一直是西南军阀中的重要力量,期间经历了兴义系、新兴义系、桐梓系几个军阀统治时期。严格地说,到1937年抗战全面爆发时,纯粹意义上的"黔军"已经不存在。早在1935年,蒋介石借"追剿"红军之由让中央势力渗透贵州,将"末代贵州王"王家烈免去贵州省主席及第二十五军军长之职时,贵州军阀统治时代就宣告终结,原有的黔军也相继被改编和调离。但另一方面,由于黔系军队刚进行     

抗战名师——独胆雄兵黔军第一〇二师(上)

正北伐时期,广州国民政府将原境内各军整编成6个军。后有广西部队第七军(军长李宗仁)和湖南部队第八军(军长唐生智)。1927年4月,蒋介石主导的南京政府成立,贵州省省长周西成通电响应,蒋介石遂委任周西成为国民革命军第二十五军军长兼贵州省主席。"九一八"事变后,蒋介石为经营贵州作为抗战基地,利用贵州本地政治强人之     

辛亥革命在贵阳

11月4日拂晓,起义的新军士兵与陆军小学学生分别由大南门、次南门整队入城。维持秩序,宣告贵州贵阳光复,推翻了清王朝在贵州贵阳的统治。     

谷正伦兄弟的最后岁月

1949年4月,人民解放军百万雄师渡过长江以后,国民党政府在政治,经济与军事上已呈现总崩溃的局面,八月湖南程潜、陈明仁起义。国民党贵州省政权赖以作为前沿屏障的门户大开,当时国民党在贵州的野战部队早已调到内战前线,贵州只有6个保安团维护地方治安。淮海战役期间,国民党的主力部队大部被人民解放军所歼灭,该政府的国防部即令在各地招兵买马,贵州也按伞令成立了编练司令部组训兵源,继后用这些新招的兵员在贵州编组了43军与89军。     

介绍几件新发现的贵州辛亥革命史料

一、贵州军政枢密院人事任命书 　　十一月四日(农历九月十四日)贵州宣布成立“大汉贵州军政府“,军政府由都督、行政总理、枢密院三部分组成.这里所介绍的人事任命文书,就是由枢密院发出的.……     

回忆解放贵阳的几件事

1949年秋末,中国人民解放军第五兵团受领进军大西南解放贵州的任务。当时行军布署是兵团部以十七军为前导在中线,十六军在兵团的左翼,三兵团的第十军在兵团的右翼。十七军的任务是进驻贵阳,十六军的任务是绕过贵阳经过毕节进军川南,堵截围歼胡宗南部队。     

隋刘度墓志与杨玄感起义

杨玄感起义是隋朝末年的重大政治事件。隋刘度墓志记载大业九年(613年)六月,杨玄感率众举行起义。刘度应募参与镇压,六月十四日在皇宫东与起义军激战时,陷入重围,身没行阵。刘度墓志与以往发现的卞鉴、张寿、张受、郭宠、王弘墓志相互参证,对研究隋末杨玄感起义,具有重要价值。     

近代贵州工厂女工区域性特点探析

近代以来,随着贵州资本主义工商业的发展,在轻工业部门开始出现女工。贵州女工分布不均且工资不高,和全国女工相比既有共性,又有其独特的一面。贵州女工的发展对贵州社会产生了深远的影响,使贵州社会结构发生了深刻的变化,促进了城市经济的发展,使贵州妇女的社会地位发生了改变。     

Syria: from ‘authoritarian upgrading’ to revolution?

Syria was, until recently, seen as a ‘successful’ example of authoritarian ‘upgrading’ or ‘modernization;’ yet in 2011 the Syrian regime faced revolution from below: what went wrong? Bashar al‐Asad inherited a flawed regime yet managed to start the integration of his country into the world capitalist market, without forfeiting the nationalist card by, for instance, attempting to acquire legitimacy from opposition to Israel and the US invasion of Iraq. Yet, despite his expectations and that of most analysts, his regime proved susceptible to the Arab uprising. This article examines the causes and development of the Syrian uprising of 2011. It contextualizes the revolt by showing how the construction of the regime built in vulnerabilities requiring constant ‘upgradings’ that produced a more durable regime but had long term costs. It focuses on Bashar al‐Asad's struggles to ‘modernize’ authoritarianism by consolidating his own ‘reformist’ faction, balancing between the regime's nationalist legitimacy and its need for incorporation into the world economy; his shifting of the regime's social base to a new class of crony capitalists; and his effort to manage participatory pressures through limited liberalization and ‘divide and rule’. The seeds of the uprising are located in these changes, notably the abandonment of the regime's rural constituency and debilitating of its institutions. Yet, it was Asad's inadequate response to legitimate grievances and excessive repression that turned demands for reform into attempted revolution. The article then analyses the uprising, looking at the contrary social bases and strategies of regime and opposition, and the dynamics by which violence and foreign intervention have escalated, before finishing with comments on the likely prognosis.     

淮军将领王芝生生平事迹考

淮军将领王芝生官至澎湖镇总兵,记名提督,诰授建威将军,历经咸丰、同治、光绪三朝,参加平定太平军、捻军起义等重要战役,因吸食鸦片一度被革职查办.复职后,主持修建江阴炮台,防御外敌入侵;在澎湖总兵任上整饬兵制、积极救援外国遇险船员,受到到中外舆论的高度肯定.     

Between Vienna,St Petersburg,and Warsaw: August Lobkowitz in Galicia, 1826–32

Abstract

This article analyses the relationships between Austrian imperial bureaucrats and the Polish elites in Habsburg Galicia during the 1820s and 1830s. Its main focus is on Prince August Lobkowitz, who was the governor of Austrian Galicia between 1826 and 1832. Even though he was a representative of the German Habsburg dynasty, with family roots in the Bohemian aristocracy, Lobkowitz switched allegiances in Galicia and declared himself a Pole. Against the instruction of his senior colleagues in Vienna, he supported the idea of an independent Poland as a buffer state between the Habsburg monarchy and the Russian Empire. Between 1828 and 1831, he maintained close contacts with Polish politicians — both in Galicia and in the Russian empire — and promised them Austrian support in the event of a Polish uprising against Russian rule. The article seeks to challenge the historiographical stereotype of a uniform Austrian bureaucracy that enforced its will upon the largely non-German elites in the Habsburg provinces.     

从君宪到共和:袁世凯的一段心路历程

在辛亥传统叙事框架中,袁世凯重出江湖后一味搅局:先是利用武昌危机与清廷讨价还价攫取权利;继则用清军打压南方,威逼革命;终则利用南方革命党人逼退清帝,进而交换中华民国大总统宝座,"窃取"辛亥革命胜利成果。这个传统叙事框架在过去特殊年代自有其解读的合理性,但显然不是从史料发出,用事实论证,多少带有以袁世凯后来帝制自为倒推其重出江湖时的心情和作为,与历史事实具有相当差距。本文根据新旧史料最大限度还原袁世凯在武昌起义后的一段心路历程,重建袁世凯从君宪到共和的踌躇、无奈、顺势及转变的限度。本文认为,作为晚清重臣,袁世凯从维新到新政,再到仿行立宪,一路走来,基本上充当着晚清政治变革重要推手,他们那一代政治精英能够认同的也就是君主立宪,所以袁世凯重出江湖后的政治选择就是利用政治危机推动政治变革,实现君主立宪,只是当君主立宪被各方面抛弃后,袁世凯方才顺势而为,变成一个有限的共和主义者。     

文化线路视角下的贵州明清东西省际干线

贵州驿道文化线路遗产资源丰富,尤其是跨区域的省际干线（包括陆路和水道）在沟通西南地区与中原社会、经济、文化交流中扮演着重要角色。迄今,贵州保存着大量的古道、关隘、桥梁、码头、马店、驿站、会馆,以及沿途重要的城镇遗址和由古道而产生的非物质文化遗产。它们的存在记录了贵州历史上人们的迁移及活动,体现着贵州区域文化的发展历程．是贵州重要的文化线路。     

Playing with Fire: The 4th Duke of Hamilton's Jacobite Politics and the Union

James Hamilton, duke of Hamilton and the Scots jacobites are generally linked in analyses of the final years of the Scots polity. Indeed, Hamilton is often presented as the leader of the jacobite party in the Scottish parliament. Yet both contemporaries and historians have been unsure what to make of his on-again, off-again, conduct with respect to the exiled Stuarts and France. This has fuelled an ongoing debate about Hamilton's erratic and highly enigmatic behaviour during the winter of 1706–7, when the Union was passing the Scottish parliament. Was he genuinely opposing the Union? Was he duped by the court? Or was he, ‘bought and sold for English gold ’? This essay takes a fresh look at the duke and his part in the Union crisis in the light of new and previously underused jacobite sources with a view to better understanding Hamilton's aims, objectives, and influence with this crucial group. Only the jacobites and the Cameronians were potentially willing to take their opposition to the Union to God's Acre. But neither party immediately flew to arms in response to passage of a union they both believed was a betrayal of everything they held dear, and Hamilton was a major factor in their failure to do so. This essay thus takes a close look at the duke's part in preventing a major national uprising against the Union in the winter of 1706–7 and advances a new interpretation of his conduct and significance throughout the Union crisis.     

《新修支那省别全志·贵州省》所载民国时期的贵州

日本编纂出版的《新修支那省别全志·贵州省》的目的与全志一致,皆是为其军国主义实现侵华提供全面、可靠的情报服务.该书其文献资料搜集之广泛、调查资料蓖集之丰富,在客观上成为民国时期贵州的史料集成,这有助于我们对其时贵州的社会经济的了解.     

一位文武兼备的武昌首义豪杰——席正铭及其《冷冷山人集》

席正铭聪颖好学,胸怀大志,在贵阳陆军小学读书时便阅读革命书刊。立志反清。在武昌陆军第三中学期间,组织学生二百多人加入同盟会。武昌起义枪声打响后,他组织600多人的学生军,自任总队长,参加武装战斗。后又追随孙中山,参加反袁斗争;投身护法军政府,受命为黔军总司令。不幸被奸人诱杀。留有诗集一部,是住文武兼备的将军。