20世纪后期西方国家的政府改革思潮

20世纪七八十年代,当已被西方国家政府广泛采纳与使用,并已成为近百年来西方公共行政主导模式的官僚制日显步履艰难、但仍持续运行之时,新一轮政府改革思潮在西方国家广泛兴起。这一改革思潮在“新公共管理“（New Public Management）等理论影响下,以对官僚制的批判和否定为突破口,提出了“政府再造”（Reinventing Government）、“政府新模式”（New Public for Covernment）等口号及一系列新的革新理念和改革主张,     

试析电子政务之于官僚制的理念创新

随着新公共管理运动的兴起与信息化浪潮的来袭,电子政务正在全球范围内的各国政府展开,我们在使用电子政务进行政务改革的同时,也要注意到这不是高科技的简单运用,而是对传统官僚制在组织制度、政府服务、公众参与、价值判断上的管理理念创新。     

中国行政体制改革的模式选择分析

行政体制改革是一个热门话题,我国也面临着新一轮的行政体制改革浪潮。行政体制改革需要从理论上进行设计和指导,理性官僚制和时下风行的新公共管理是当前西方国家存在的两种行政模式,我国的行政改革的模式选择应该依据我国的实际,科学选择理性官僚制和新公共管理"两只手"的协调运作的改革模式。     

行政腐败成因探微——官僚制范式与公共选择范式之比较

随着社会的不断发展,腐败现象及其成因日趋多样化和复杂化。本文以介绍探究腐败成因的官僚制范式和公共选择范式为重点,阐述了官僚制范式和公共选择范式的主要内容及其相关理论,并就两种范式的优缺点进行了比较研究。     

浅谈区域性公共管理过程中政府职能的履行

随着经济全球化的发展,区域合作关系也得到了普及,区域的概念越来越深入人心,它为政府管理与改革提供了一种新的研究方法,并取得了巨大的成功。新时期,区域公共管理逐渐成为各国行政学研究的重要术语。推进行政体制改革,提升政府行政效率的核心在于创新政府管理模式。本文就当前我国政府区域性公共管理模式存在问题,以新公共管理为视角,就政府职能的履行提出了创新政府管理模式的看法。     

秦汉公文文书与官僚行政管理

秦汉公文文书与官僚行政管理卜宪群秦汉时期,官僚制度获得高度发展,一套适合于集权制统治的施政手段逐渐完善,并贯穿于官僚制度的行政运作之中。其中,公文文书是官僚行政管理的一个极重要手段。汉人有“以文书御天下”之语,即是对公文文书所发挥作用的高度概括。公文...     

公共治理理论哲学基础的演进及其对我国政治发展的启示

行政学自19世纪末由政治学分离出来后随着时代与社会的变迁和发展而不断发展,尤其是20世纪中后叶,公共治理理论日益形成新公共行政和新公共管理两大理论学派。两源于各自的实践基础,基于不同的理论假设,既是对西方社会现实的反应,亦是西方社会过去一段时间乃至当前社会变革的理论指南。当前我国正处于社会转型的关键时期,作为政治明建设之关键的政治体制改革已提上议事日程,而作为政治体制改革核心内容之一的行政体制改革要求我们在借鉴和汲取西方发达国家社会发展经验与教训的基础上,结合我国政治、经济、社会环境以及历史、化、制度等环境因素,充分吸纳西方公共治理理论的科学成份,借鉴西方官僚制的技术性成果,形成适应当前我国社会发展现实的公共治理模式。     

两江总督与江南河务——兼论18世纪行政官僚向技术官僚的转变

清初,河务由工部总其责,并委以河道总督专其职。进入18世纪,随着人口压力所形成的社会整体对经济发展的要求不断提高,政府对关乎国计民生的事务更加重视。两江总督由临时性的介入河务,到通过官僚制度的规定将责权确定下来,在这一过程中,他们实现了自身价值的提高,即向技术官僚的转变。它所揭示的,一是18世纪的社会环境需要有才干的经世官僚和技术人才,而社会环境为行政官僚的转型提供了一个大的舞台。二是,官僚政治体制中的积极因素、官僚个人素质的重要性是不容忽视的,专制皇权正是通过对这些复合型的官僚,把握着国家与各级政府的行政命脉。     

日本律令制国家公文书的运行机制

公文书是日本律令制国家有效的进行政务管理,维系其官僚体制运转的重要纽带。驿铃与内印作为日本律令制国家最高统治者权力的象征,是公文书能否顺利传达的重要凭证。在奈良时代,公文书作为以太政官为核心的各级官僚机构之间的统属和联系往来的媒介,确保和强化了日本律令制国家对社会的政治统治。进入平安时代以后,随着日本律令制国家的衰落,天皇增设了藏人、检非违使等令外官,这促使日本律令制国家公文书的运行机制在律令官僚制的衰弱中发生嬗变。     

当代西方国家新公共管理运动评析与启示

始于20世纪70年代末的西方国家新公共管理运动具有全球性特征,参与的国家虽然都采取了具有本国特色、各有侧重的改革方案和策略,但是在采取策略方面也体现出很多相似性。鉴于新公共管理运动强大的生命力与现实价值,本文对当代西方国家新公共管理运动所表现出的核心性和代表性内容进行简要评析,以期对我国政府公共管理改革有所启示。     

Heroes and Invaders: Gay and Lesbian pride parades and the public/private distinction in New Zealand media accounts

Public space is constructed as heterosexual space in at least two senses. First, heterosexuality in public is regarded as unproblematic, whereas lesbian and gay identities are policed by subtle or overt means. Second, heterosexuality is not obviously marked in public. In this article these positions are used as a starting point to investigate the complexities of the relationships between heterosexuality, homosexuality and the public and private spheres. Much of the discussion takes as its basis the media coverage of New Zealand's lesbian and gay pride parades. Recent heterosexist discourse in New Zealand implies that gay men and lesbians are leaving the private sphere and are forcing a politicisation of both the public sphere and the metaphorical space of the private, heterosexual mind. A discursive inversion occurs whereby the homosexual subject becomes powerful and tyrannous, and the heterosexual is coerced and oppressed. Crucial to such discourse is a mobilisation of the conservative tendencies of liberalism, and an attendant denial of the privileged position granted to heterosexuality .     

Voluntary Agencies as Development Organizations: Theorizing the Problem of Efficiency and Accountability

Co-operatives, NGOs and community groups are being increasingly used as development agencies by policy-makers, because they are thought to provide more accountable, effective and equitable services in many areas than public or private agencies. This article attempts to consider some of the theoretical and practical implications of this growing role by treating them as ‘value-driven’ organizations, and asking how this differentiates them, in terms of efficiency and accountability, from public or private agencies. It notes the lack of developed theoretical models capable of dealing with this question, and examines the relevance of existing theories (neo-classical economics, public administration and especially varieties of organization theory including the New Institutional Economics) in dealing with agencies which claim to be dominated by motivations based on democracy and altruism rather than self-interest. The author looks at problems associated with the measurement of efficiency and enforcement of accountability in organizational life and at the need for effective incentives and sanctions which provide a stable basis for maintaining commitment. He then considers the issues involved in the enforcement of accountability to ensure the efficient use of resources in producer co-operatives on the one hand and service delivery NGOs on the other. In the former, the focus is on the strengths and weaknesses of market competition and the costs of collective management; in the latter on the varied relationships between ‘principals and agents' involved in the production and management of services.     

Grazing was not mining: managing Victoria's goldfields commons

The great land rush of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries saw vast swathes of temperate grazing land around the world pass into private hands. Commons and common lands, however, provided a vital interim mechanism in this shift from state control to private property ownership. Commons ensured continued and widespread access to natural resources, including water, minerals, soil, grass, and timber, that was integral to the colonial settler project. The gold rush in nineteenth‐century Victoria sheds important light on this process, where almost 250,000 ha of Crown land were set aside as goldfields commons. These reserves maintained auriferous or gold‐bearing land in public hands and provided access to extensive tracts of grazing for the sheep and cattle of gold miners. In this paper, we examine how the traditional English notion of common lands was transferred to a New World environment and draw on the work of economist Elinor Ostrom to evaluate the use and function of Victoria's goldfields commons in terms of management, regulation, and sustainability.     

Rooms of Their Own: Public toilets and gendered citizens in a New Zealand city, 1860‐1940

Differences in the provision of public toilets for men and women point to the gendering of citizens. In the later nineteenth century, provision of public toilets in the city of Dunedin centered on the management of male bodies as the meaning of 'public decency' was transformed, while women were catered for as consumers. By the beginning of the twentieth century, when provision for women became a public issue, it was debated in terms of women's special character as citizens. The bodily and spatial characteristics of public and private were renegotiated around this issue: as women became more public, toilets became more private. This article draws on debates about the sexed and gendered body in public space, maternal citizenship, the civilising and modernising of landscapes and bodies, and shifting conceptions of privacy and public.     

Domestic abuse and the public/private divide in the British military

Divisions between the social spheres of public and private are always fluid, mutually constitutive, and politically and socially formulated. Within the British military, such divisions are further framed through the needs of operational effectiveness. In the pursuit of operational effectiveness the public/private divide functions at times as porous, in large part through the military's provision of services such as housing, welfare and policing to personnel and their families and through the notion of a close-knit military community, and at others as firm, bolstering operational effectiveness through recourse to militarised ideas of the private sphere as the fixed space of hearth, home and femininity which is to be protected by military force. This article employs narratives of domestic abuse as a window through which to analyse enactments of the public/private divide in the British military. The analysis draws upon interview participants' experiences of abuse and of help-seeking to illustrate the complex and fluid ways in which the prioritisation of operational effectiveness frames and delimits the public and the private within the contemporary British military in relation to domestic abuse. The impacts of this upon victim-survivors' help-seeking experiences are discussed.     

Urban Neighborhoods as a National Resource: Irreversible Decisions and Their Equity Spillovers

The differential timing and pace of private versus public sector disinvestments in declining neighborhoods have some positive spillovers for their residents. Public services are not withdrawn or reduced as rapidly as private investments and the opportunity is preserved for future redevelopment or rehabilitation. This “public service bonus” is vulnerable, however, during periods of austerity and general retrenchment. During such crises, the pressures to rationalize service provision are able to overcome local political and bureaucratic resistance to service reallocations. The analysis is based upon the investment theory literature dealing with irreversible decisions and is exemplified by the reallocation of services in New York City's declining neighborhoods during the past decade.     

上海城市私房的社会主义改造

新中国成立后,新民主主义的房屋政策明确保护城市私房的所有权和经营权。1956年以后由保护转变为改造,1958年时达到高潮,至1964年全国范围内的私房改造基本结束。公私合营和国家经租是主要的改造方式。由于改造中使用了整风和群众运动中一些"左"的做法,致使改造工作过头,遗留下来一些问题。     

19世纪英国城市现代化初探

城市现代化是城市化发展的高级阶段。19世纪的英国不仅是世界上第一个城市化国家,而且率先在城市现代化方面做出新的探索。首先在城市物质环境方面进行了巨大的改革,从城市街道的规划改造,到居民住宅的建筑规范,从居民私人空间的营造,到城市公共空间的建设,使城市的物质环境有了极大的改善。其次,在城市的管理方面也进行了全面探索,使城市管理摆脱了中世纪的寡头统治,进入到民主监督与管理的时代。由此,使城市的发展在经历了第一个阶段的数量扩张后,进入到了质量的增长时期,即向城市现代化方向迈进。     

Were New Labour’s cultural policies neo-liberal?

This article assesses the cultural policies of ‘New Labour’, the UK Labour government of 1997–2010. It takes neo-liberalism as its starting point, asking to what extent Labour’s cultural policies can be validly and usefully characterised as neo-liberal. It explores this issue across three dimensions: corporate sponsorship and cuts in public subsidy; the running of public sector cultural institutions as though they were private businesses; and a shift in prevailing rationales for cultural policy, away from cultural justifications, and towards economic and social goals. Neo-liberalism is shown to be a significant but rather crude tool for evaluating and explaining New Labour’s cultural policies. At worse, it falsely implies that New Labour did not differ from Conservative approaches to cultural policy, downplays the effect of sociocultural factors on policy-making, and fails to differentiate varying periods and directions of policy. It does, however, usefully draw attention to the public policy environment in which Labour operated, in particular the damaging effects of focusing, to an excessive degree, on economic conceptions of the good in a way that does not recognise the limitations of markets as a way of organising production, circulation and consumption.     

A century of “Hate and Coarse Thinking”: anti-Machiavellian Machiavellism in H.G. Wells’ The New Machiavelli (1911)

Wells's The New Machiavelli (1911) offers an excellent case study of the use of anti-Machiavellian Machiavellism as both a philosophical and a rhetorical strategy. In Remington, Wells creates a protagonist who follows Machiavellian rules of behaviour and denounces those who do likewise. The novel is structured to show Remington's progress from an idealist refutation of Machiavellism, through a recognition of its necessity, to the formulation of a private and political method for the necessary pursuit of Machiavellian principles under the disguise of anti-Machiavellism, including trenchant criticisms of Fabians as anti-Machiavellian Machiavellians. These stages, culminating in complete personal and public failure, are reflected in Remington's party allegiances, and broadened by Wells into an account of British party ideologies around the turn of the twentieth century. Wells's rhetorical design for mapping and assessing anti-Machiavellian Machiavellism is paralleled by an exploration of that technique in himself, attested by the predominance of autobiographical elements in The New Machiavelli, and by similarities between Remington's and Wells's own deception of others and themselves. Far from incidental, anti-Machiavellian Machiavellism is the motif that unites the shifting party allegiances, political conceits and moral hypocrisies, and private and public failures of Wells, Remington, and of the period of British politics that they intend to encapsulate.