也谈浙江省自治运动--兼与冯筱才先生商榷

20世纪20年代浙江省的自治运动以花样多、历时久而闻名于世。通过研究前人较少注意的《三色宪法》和《浙江省自治法》等制定过程,可发现浙江自治运动失败的原因固然很多,但众多的利益维度不是削弱而是增加了运动的持久性,使浙江成为全国自治运动历时最久的省份,只是没有实际成果而已;运动的失败恰好证明了“军阀扼杀自治”,只是不能简单机械地理解“军阀”。     

孙中山与联省自治运动

联省自治运动是20世纪20年代中国改良主义思潮的一次重要尝试,是国家政体由君主制走向共和制的变革中地方政制相应变革的补充。孙中山反对联省自治,他认为联省自治势必会阻碍国家的统一;而极力主张地方自治,但强调地方自治不等于忽视中央政府的领导与国家的统一。     

章太炎与湖南省宪运动

20世纪20年代的湖南省宪运动是湖南近代史乃至中国近代史上的一件大事,史学家们也对这一事件较为关注,但角度不同,看法不同,评价自然也不同。本文试图探讨一代国学大师章太炎与这场运动的关系,并作出客观评价。     

Fatherhood and the British Fathercraft Movement, 1919–39

Fathercraft and Fathers' Councils ‐ male adjuncts to Maternity and Infant Welfare Centres ‐ reacted to the maternal dominance in infant welfare and parenting in interwar Britain by arguing that fathers should play a crucial role in the upbringing of children. This article outlines how rigid ideas about the 'public' and 'private' spheres meant that education schemes for fathers had to be explicitly and recognisably 'masculine' and were often focused on public functions that reinforced a man's traditional function as a breadwinner and provider. Yet, at the core of the fathercraft message was the idea that these traditional functions were insufficient. Fathers, it was argued, should have an active and involved role in their children's lives and men could no longer adequately fulfil their duties from the margins of the family. However, within a culture that placed great emphasis on motherhood and gender differences, the idea of instructing men in parenting was fraught with contradiction, confusion and resistance. Fathercraft was one version of fatherhood that attempted to reconcile these contradictions in a desire to involve fathers more fully with their children for the good of the Infant Welfare Movement, mothers and, indeed, for men themselves.     

试论浙、赣省界的形成--以明初广信府的改隶为中心

历史上,广信与浙江在政治空间层面一直有着牵扯不断的联系,明初更曾为浙江行省的组成部分。其政区隶属关系发生由浙改赣的变化,是牵涉到浙、赣省界形成的重要问题。通过对历史时期广信与浙江空间关系的考察,还原出两地在交通往来、文化认同、政治统合等方面存在着固有的矛盾,进而揭示出广信政区隶属变迁乃至浙、赣省界形成的背后,实际上受到了信、浙之间自然地理条件的深刻影响。     

British Railways and the Challenge from Road Haulage: 1919-39

Interwar Britain witnessed the rapid rise of road transportas a serious competitor to the railways. This article examinesroad–rail competition for freight traffic. It demonstratesthat, contrary to previous accounts—which have been highlycritical of the railway companies—their failure to preventrapid loss of traffic to the roads was the inevitable consequenceof the regulatory framework under which the railways had beenreturned to private control in 1921. Given the constraints imposedby this framework, price competition with road hauliers wouldhave further depressed railway company profits. Railway policythus concentrated on pressing for a revision of the legislativeframework governing road–rail competition.     

Models of masculinity: sex education,the United States Public Health Service,and the YMCA, 1919-1924

In 1918, the U.S. Public Health Service (PHS) told American parents that "it is no longer possible for you to choose whether your child will learn about sex or not." According to the PHS, most American boys learned about sex from "improper sources" by the age of nine. The "unfortunate effect of these early impressions" had, PHS warned, not only resulted in a gross misunderstanding of sex, but also been a major factor in the spread of venereal disease (The Parents' Part [the U.S. Public Health Service, 1918], p. 5). To counter and correct this miseducation, PHS joined with the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) to create a sex education program aimed at adolescent boys. Officially launched in the spring of 1919, the "Keeping Fit" campaign provides a unique insight into the federal government's attempt to medicalize and regulate American sexuality through the forum of public health.     

五四新文化运动时期知识分子的价值实现观探析

"知命主义"是一道禁锢国人精神世界的枷锁,以至使人安于现状,不思进取,生活日趋贫乏,价值渐次失落.五四新文化运动时期的一些知识分子在不同程度上强调,要想拯救自己,进而拯救民族和国家,既不能坐等命运的改变,更不能听凭环境的挤压,而应该愈挫愈奋,通过改变命运和境遇的不懈努力,使个人价值得以实现和提升.这一时期,一切价值来源于创造的观念受到了前所未有的重视.这些关于价值实现的论说,于今具有一定的借鉴意义.