试述康熙三十四年平阳府大地震和政府反应

我国是地震多发带,在康熙三十四年的平阳府地震是较少的一次严重地震,给百姓带来的是心理和生理的创伤,在地震发生以后政府及时做出赈灾对策.文章通过社会学角色扮演来论述中央和地方在此次地震中的责任和角色,表述圣祖朝赈灾的有效性和可行性。     

略说海原的地震遗迹

1920年12月16日,发生在宁夏海原的大地震是二十世纪发生在我国最大的地震,这次地震是人类历史上的一个大灾难。这次大灾难形成的遗迹非常多,而且类型非常丰富,有220公里之壮观的断裂带、著名的盐湖、堰塞湖、地震城池、震柳、小山地堑等世界级著名的地震遗迹,堪称“世界级的地震公园”。     

浅析非政府组织兴起的原因

"非政府组织"的兴起有着深刻的背景因素,西方政府理论是其出现和发展的理论依据,经济全球化为"非政府组织"的崛起开辟了广阔的发展空间,而非政府组织的自身特征是其迅速发展的根本原因。     

论人民政协培育和发挥非政府组织的地位与作用

非政府组织在促进社会进步和发展方面已经显现出强大的生命力,但我国非政府组织的作用还没有得到应有的发挥。人民政协在我国政治生活的性质、独特地位以及民主协商的工作方式决定了它在培育和发挥非政府组织作用方面能有所作为。文章从利用与一些NGO有密切联系的优势因势利导的培育NGO,并把其他的NGO联系在自己的周围;扩大NGO的影响;对NGO进行调查研究;协调NGO的利益;为NGO走出国门,参与国际活动提供便利和机会几个方面分析了人民政协培育和发挥非政府组织的地位与作用。     

试析抗战时期晋察冀边区的“三农”问题与政府对策

抗战初期,晋察冀边区农村存在严重的"三农"问题:农业经济极其落后、农民生活极其困苦、农村社会极其涣散。为了挽救危机局面,边区政府实施了一系列政策法令,扶植农村社会发展,主要表现在三个方面:一是增加对农业生产的投入,让农民找到一条切实可行的发展之路;二是减轻农民生活负担,避免农民受到剥削阶级和行政力量的"多取";三是拓宽农民增收渠道,打开农工商协调发展的经济局面。随着政策的深入推行,在抗战后期边区的农业经济较快增长,农民的生活初步改善,农村社会凝聚力增强,极大地促进了抗日根据地农村社会的发展。由此,我们得到启示:农村政策具有较强的整体性和关联性,制定好农村政策需要以农民的实惠为出发点,落实好农村政策需要政府的制度革新,这样才能解决好"三农"问题。     

5.12汶川大地震对四川可移动文物的损坏与启示

5．12汶川大地震给四川省可移动文物造成较大的损失,虽然自然灾害难于避免,但可通过对可移动文物灾情调查,分析了解受损器物的类型和原因,反思我们在陈列展示和库房建设中可移动文物保护措施的不足之处,加强可移动文物抗震预防性研究工作已势在必行。     

四川两次大地震,民国政府拒绝救灾

四川叠溪大地震中,刘湘等人一开口就要中央政府拨款100万元用于四川救灾,却闭口不谈中央政府派员入川察看灾情事宜。试想,中央政府怎会答应这种只出钱救灾而其势力却不能乘机进入四川的事?     

1920年的世界革命与苏波战争始末

中国共产党建党的时间,人所共知是1921年7月1日。一位中共党史研究者发现,早在1920年,陈独秀就已在上海成立过相关组织,实为中国共产党的前身,确切的发起日是1920年7月19日。但这位研究者至少在那篇文章里没有深究为什么是7月19日。这个日子又有何特殊意义？     

完善政府清单制度的对策研究

随着放管服改革的逐步深入,推进清单制度再完善势在必行.完善清单制度不仅有利于政府简政放权,有效规制政府权力边界,还有助于社会主义法治社会建设.完善清单制度要加强顶层设计指导,为政府行为因地制宜制笼子,要破边界重叠不清的旧法,要立政府行为边界的新法,要废阻碍活力激发的有法.同时也要面向未来考虑...     

由《组织史》编写看当前档案工作的问题与对策

《组织史》的编辑出版,对于档案工作发展具有重要的意义,但是因为主客观的原因,导致《组织史》编写过程存在一些问题。本文以《组织史》的编写为例,探讨编写过程中存在的问题,并且对于问题产生的原因进行分析,提出解决这些问题的对策,期望为相关研究提供参考。     

Chiang Kai-shek and the 1947 Reorganization of the National Government

When the Guomindang (GMD) took charge in 1927, it implemented the “political tutelage” system. Participation of other parties in politics was disallowed. But after the Anti-Japanese War (1937–45), under the combined effect of internal and external pressure, the GMD needed to adopt a constitution, reorganize government and establish multi-party participation. The April 1947 governmental reorganization was the starting point of a transformation from a “political tutelage” system to a constitutional system. Though this reorganization introduced many non-GMD members into the government, it did not change the GMD’s one-party dominance. Its desired transformation of China from one-party “political tutelage” into a constitutional democracy still remained limited.     

The British Parliamentary Labour Party and the Government of Ireland Act 1920

Immediately after the First World War the British Labour Party was forced to reconsider its relationship with an increasingly militant Irish nationalism. This reassessment occurred at the same time as it was becoming a major political and electoral force in post‐war Britain. The political imperative from the party's perspective was to portray itself as a responsible, moderate and patriotic alternative governing party. Thus it was fearful of the potential negative impact of too close an association with, and perceived sympathy for, extreme Irish nationalism. This explains the party's often bewildering changes in policy on Ireland at various party conferences in 1919 and 1920, ranging from support for home rule to federalism throughout the United Kingdom to ‘dominion home rule’ as part of a wider evolving British Commonwealth to adopting outright ‘ self‐determination’ for a completely independent Ireland outside both United Kingdom and empire. On one aspect of its Irish policy, however, the party was adamant and united – its opposition to the partition of Ireland, which was the fundamental principle of Lloyd George's Government of Ireland Bill of 1920 which established Northern Ireland. Curiously, that aspect of Labour's Irish policy was never discussed in the party at large. All the running was made by the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) in the house of commons in 1920. The PLP's outright opposition to the bill acted as balm throughout the wider party, binding together the confusing, and often contradictory, positions promulgated on the long‐term constitutional future of Ireland and its relationship with Britain.     

Transient and Long-Term Changes in Seismic Response of the Natural Resources Building,Olympia, Washington,due to Earthquake Shaking

The Natural Resources Building (NRB) in Olympia, Washington, was shaken by three earthquakes (Mw = 5.8, 6.8, and 5.0) between 1999 and 2001. Building motions were recorded on digital accelerographs, providing important digital recordings of repeated strong shaking in a building. The NRB has 5-stories above grade with 3 sub-grade levels and a ductile steel-frame elongated in the E-W direction. The upper two floors extend significantly beyond the lower 3 on the southern and eastern sides. N-S motions dominate the fundamental modal vibrations of the building system. In the 1999 Satsop M5.8 earthquake, the frequency of this fundamental system mode was 1.3 Hz during motions of 10% g. The frequency dropped to 0.7 Hz during the 2001 M6.8 Nisqually strong motions. Moreover, the Nisqually recordings reveal both numerous high-frequency transients of up to 0.18 g, several of which are visible on widely spaced sensors, and long-term tilts of some of the sensors. The weaker 2001 M5.0 Satsop earthquake motions showed the frequency remained depressed at less than 1 Hz for the eastern side of the structure, although the western side had recovered to 1.3 Hz. An ambient noise survey in 2008 showed the fundamental frequency of N/S vibrations remains about 1.0 Hz for the eastern side of the building and 1.3 Hz for the western side. These results suggest that in the Nisqually earthquake, the east side of the NRB suffered a permanent reduction in fundamental mode frequency of 37% due to loss of system stiffness by undetermined mechanism.     

《中俄蒙协约》签订后中国政府与自治外蒙古的关系

文章认为《中俄蒙协约》签订以后,中国政府与外蒙古自治官府有了直接来往,双方在巴布扎布匪帮问题和册封问题上有矛盾和斗争;中国政府在册封、处理德奥俘虏、处理恰克图边防问题上行使了一些主权;双方在收回唐努乌梁海一事上有所合作;中国内地与自治外蒙古的经济联系、人员往来有所增加。     

Geotechnical Reconnaissance of the 2016 ML6.6 Meinong Earthquake in Taiwan

On February 6, 2015, a local magnitude (M_L) 6.6 earthquake struck southern Taiwan, devastating the Tainan area. A field investigation was conducted by a survey team from the National Center for Research on Earthquake Engineering immediately after the earthquake. This paper summarizes the observed geotechnical damage features caused by the earthquake, including liquefaction, slope sliding, levee failure, and dam performance. Several liquefaction sites were observed despite the intensity of ground shaking being moderate (peak ground acceleration, ~0.2 g). Most of these sites were originally old ponds that were backfilled during different periods in the last three to eight decades. Two significant types of damage to the levee of the Tseng-wen River were observed. At the Jianshan site, a typical type of levee damage was observed, in which the level crest subsided and the side slope developed several cracks. At the Rixin site, a flow-type of failure caused tremendous loss of levee (~400 m in total) at three adjacent locations. The levee embankments had “flowed” up to 60 m into the river.     

Slanted Newspaper Coverage of Immigration: The Importance of Economics and Geography

When compared to studies of media effects, relatively few studies of the media focus on factors that influence the behavior of media organizations. Specifically, there are few empirical studies of the attributes and incentives of news organizations that might lead to slanted coverage of particular policy issues. In this study, we identify factors that lead to negatively slanted coverage of a specific policy issue: immigration. Using content analysis, geographic information systems (GIS) data, and contextual data, we find that newspaper ownership and proximity to the U.S.–Mexico border are related to slant in news articles and opinion pieces regarding immigration.     

朝野纠葛:北京政府时期的舆论与外交--以关税特别会议为个案的考察

关于北京政府时期的外交,尽管学术界近来已开始有了较为客观的评价,不过对于其背后因素的考察还有待深入。实际上,在北京政府时期,由于特殊的时代背景,各种社会舆论被全面动员起来,以汹涌澎湃之势冲击着外交这一特殊的政治领域,从而形成了近代史上国民外交的黄金时期。于是,由于中央政府统治的虚弱,在其决策者进行外交运作时,就处处受到来自舆论界的影响,这是一个极为明显的历史特色,通过对当时舆论的考察,就会更深层次地探究北京政府外交的两难境地。笔者在考察时,主要以关税特别会议为个案,以上海舆论为核心,以《申报》、《东方杂志》等报刊为第一手资料。     

Government institutions and the dynamics of urban growth in China

Economic growth in China in recent decades has largely rested on the dynamism of its cities. High economic growth has coincided with measures aimed at improving the efficiency of local governments and with a mounting political drive to curb corruption. Yet the connection between government institutions and urban growth in China remains poorly understood. This paper is the first to look into the link between government efficiency and corruption, on the one hand, and urban growth in China, on the other hand and to assess what is the role of institutions relative to more traditional factors for economic growth in Chinese cities. Using panel data for 283 cities over the period between 2003 and 2014, the results show that the urban growth in China is a consequence of a combination of favorable human capital, innovation, density, local conditions, foreign direct investment, and city‐level government institutions. Both government quality—especially for those cities with the best governments—and the fight against corruption at the city level have a direct effect on urban growth. Measures to tackle corruption at the provincial level matter in a more indirect way, by raising or lowering the returns of other growth‐inducing factors.     

杜亚泉与哈耶克有限政府论理论基础之比较

宪政是现代政治文明的基本特征,而宪政的精髓乃在于限制国家和政府的权力以保障个人的基本权利,同时又实现国家的富强。正是基于此,作为20世纪初的中国启蒙思想家杜亚泉和作为20世纪影响最大的自由主义思想家之一的哈耶克,都极力主张政府权力及职能的有限性。他们的有限政府论有相同或相似的理论前提,但是更有作为其理论基础的伦理哲学和认识哲学上的极为深刻的差异。杜亚泉的宪政主张最终被其国家主义所代替,虽然有着深刻的时代背景,但更主要的在于其理论基础上的缺陷。宪政和有限政府的主张与实践如果缺乏其相应的理论基础尤其是相应的伦理基础的支撑,便不可避免地会带有动摇性和不彻底性。