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This Forum Debate explores the confluence of neoliberal, populist, conservative and reactionary influences on contemporary ideologies and practices of social policy, with a focus on the poorer peripheries of global capitalism. Several fundamental tensions are highlighted, which are largely overlooked by the social policy and development literatures. First, many recent social policy innovations have been discredited by their association with neoliberalism. The rising political Right has been much more successful than the Left at exploiting this discontent, despite simultaneously deepening many aspects of neoliberalism once in power. At the same time, right-wing movements have proactively used social policy as a political tool to fashion the social order along lines deemed amenable for their interests and ideologies, expressed along nationalist, racialized, ethnicized, nativist, religious, patriarchal or other lines, and to innovate practices of segregation, exclusion and subordination. While these synergies of neoliberal and right-wing populism are observed globally, they need to be carefully and differentially interpreted from the perspective of late industrializing (or late welfare state) peripheral countries. Nonetheless, common themes occurring across both centres and peripheries, as identified by the invited contributions to this Debate section, include exclusionary identity politics, hierarchical and subordinating inclusions, and patriarchal familialism. In this context, segregationism is an ominous possibility of post-neoliberal social policy.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT Despite the fact that rural ownership and tenure relationships were very unfavourable to the majority when President Stroessner came to power, there was little or no peasant rebellion during his regime, and the rural masses were unable to force the government to improve their situation. This paper explains the lack of resistance by the rural poor in terms of the effectiveness of the repressive regime, which kept the poor quiet and either eliminated or discouraged capable young leaders who might have organized a defence of the rights of the rural population. Agricultural colonization has also served as a safety valve, reducing the tensions among the rural poor which might otherwise have led to more radical reforms that would have been against the interests of the landowning elite. A further explanation of the weak resistance is to be found in the lack of unity among the rural poor. Opposed interests have thwarted their adequate organization and the appearance of large and successful rural social movements. The paper begins by providing some historical background.  相似文献   

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当代美国的福利困境与福利改革   总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7  
徐再荣 《史学月刊》2001,(6):140-144
美国福利制度的建立在一定程度上有助于缓解贫困,稳定社会秩序,但是它对美国人的工作伦理、家庭结构等产生了很大的负面影响。福利改革就是将领取福利与工作联系起来,旨在打破福利循环,减少福利依赖,可是,由于存在种种缺陷,福利改革并未取得预期的效果。  相似文献   

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Targeted social policies and other more universal forms of social protection have shaped (the shifts in) the politics of popular support in Latin America. Since the early 2000s this has led to a tendency towards the election of left-leaning governments, stimulating stronger political pressure for more extensive redistribution. Yet despite a wide range of cash transfers, subsidies and other social policies, the ‘post-neoliberal’ ideal of welfare did not reshape the political and relational powers of citizens in the ways necessary to redress the structural determinants of poverty and inequality across the region. This article reveals a ‘dark side’ of social policy in Latin America, arguing that targeted and precariously funded welfare regimes are creating tensions between the socio-economic and ecological spheres that undermine inclusive citizenship and democracy.  相似文献   

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西方拉美学界对于民众主义这一概念的含义的界定发生过较大的变化。早期现代化理论学者和依附论学者强调民众主义概念的社会经济特征和历史阶段性特征,西方自由主义经济学界将民众主义界定为一种特定的经济政策。80年代以后,这种界定方式受到实证与理论上的双重挑战,于是,有的学者将民众主义界定为一种政治策略。这一修正使得这一概念可以用来解释80年代以后拉美政治发展的新现实,因而是有价值的。  相似文献   

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《群众》周刊是抗日战争时期和解放战争时期中国共产党在国统区和香港地区公开出版的机关理论刊物,通过马克思主义经典作家生平的介绍、马克思主义基本原理的诠释、国际共产主义运动重大历史事件的回溯、苏联社会主义建设成就的展示,担负起在国统区传播马克思主义理论、宣传中国共产党政治主张的重任。《群众》周刊为有效传播马克思主义,采取了灵活多样、贴近实际的传播方法,如借助纪念活动刊发纪念文章、理论推介与理论交锋并举、通过刊载广告推介进步书刊、通过开辟读者信箱解疑释惑。《群众》周刊不仅扩大了马克思主义在中国传播的范围、推动了中国化马克思主义的发展,而且有效传播了中国共产党的抗战主张,塑造了中共领袖群体的形象。  相似文献   

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齐春雷 《攀登》2010,29(2):53-58
当代中国正处于剧烈的社会转型期,多元利益诉求引发的政治参与膨胀,对政党制度民主价值的进一步挖掘和发挥提出了更高的要求。执政党党内民主的发展,直接影响到社会民主以及整个国家民主政治发展的进程,而加强执政党的建设则是充分发挥中国政党制度民主价值的关键路径。  相似文献   

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