共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 171 毫秒
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1919年的霍乱造成黄县各村落普遍感染和4%的人口死亡率,黄县霍乱的严重流行虽然与天气和县内各地不同的土壤条件有关,但最主要的因素是该县发达的商业。黄县的地理位置和地貌特点使其北部和中部地区形成不同等级的城市和市镇体系,这种城镇分布特点部分决定了1919年的霍乱传播模式和人口死亡程度,形成除龙口和城关镇以外的各乡镇霍乱死亡率有规则的高低错落分布的特点。在交通不便的南部山区,因该地业已卷入到市场体系当中,故该区亦成为此次霍乱流行的重灾区。总之,以农业为主的县与以商业为主的县在霍乱传播模式上有很大的不同。 相似文献
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谁也想不到,10年后的今天,这些美金纸币流通的数据,会被科学家们用来预测甲型H1N1流感打开一个网址,一个表单出现在网站首页,要你填写美元的面值、印刷年代、序列号、你所在地区的邮政编码和你是在哪里得到这张钱的。——别误会,这既不是美国政府或银行的网站,也绝不是现在流行的网上诈 相似文献
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在人类千年文明史中,瘟疫总是以挑衅的角色与我们相伴同行。14世纪毁掉欧洲1/4人口的“黑死病”、15世纪至18世纪横扫欧洲的天花、1799年把英国人口死亡率推向顶峰的结核病、1840-1862年席卷全球的霍乱、1844-1866年在沙俄西伯利亚地区发生的大规模炭疽,以及20世纪以来发生的“西班牙大流感”、疯牛病、艾滋病、SARS、禽流感……还有庚子鼠年春节前夕湖北武汉暴发的新冠肺炎疫情。 相似文献
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疫情期间,“1918年大流感幸存者的提醒”上了微博热搜。面对当下正在全球蔓延的新冠肺炎,一位105岁的流感亲历者在采访中说:“我不想看到悲剧重演,人人都要当心。”100多年前,一场可怕的流感席卷全球。 相似文献
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1918年10月的一天,时任美国总统伍德罗 威尔逊写信给密西西比州参议员威廉姆斯,强调“如果不是我的秘书因流感请假,我本会早于10月14日答复您的”。当时,西班牙流感正席卷美国,白宫的工作人员也开始“中招”这场流感在全球范围内感染了约5亿人,占当时全球人口的1/3,并造成约2000万至5000万人死亡,其中包括约67.5万美国人。1918年,美国的人均寿命因此降低了10年以上。但西班牙流感这个名称实在是种误导:历史学家莎拉 弗林说,并没有证据表明它暴发于西班牙。只是由于西班牙人的大量感染,包括西班牙国王阿方索十三世也病倒了,它就被称为西班牙流感。 相似文献
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Kandace L. Bogaert 《War & society》2017,36(1):44-63
Analysis of archival correspondence, the daily logs of troopships transporting soldiers to Europe and the Commonwealth War Graves Commission database for soldier deaths from pneumonia and influenza across Canada indicate that influenza was more common during the summer of 1918 than previously thought. Evidence of pandemic influenza so close to the outbreak of the fall wave calls into question the storyline of a mutated virus causing the emergence of the fall wave of the 1918 influenza pandemic. This highlights the significance of other host, social and environmental circumstances, many related to the First world war, that may have contributed to the severity and timing of pandemic waves in Canada. 相似文献
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Matthew Smallman–Raynor Niall Johnson & Andrew D. Cliff 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》2002,27(4):452-470
From uncertain origins in the spring of 1918, an apparently new variant of influenza A virus spread around the world as three distinct diffusion waves, infecting half a billion and probably killing around 40 million people. This paper examines the spatial structure of influenza transmission during the ten–month course of the epidemic in England and Wales, June 1918–April 1919, using the weekly counts of influenza deaths in London and the county boroughs as collated by the General Register Office, London. In addition, a particular case study of the borough of Cambridge is presented. From mid–1916, Cambridge contained, as well as its undergraduate population, a large naval contingent billeted in both the colleges and the town. It therefore affords the opportunity of studying the effect of the epidemic in contiguous groups with widely differing demographic characteristics. Through the application of a range of statistical methods (average lags, correlations and regressions), it is shown that the three waves that comprised the pandemic had fundamentally different spatial and temporal characteristics. The first, moving through a population that was a virgin soil to the new virus strain, was explosive in its north to south progress across the country. The second wave was somewhat slower in its rate of diffusion and displayed a south to north drift. Finally, the third wave reverted more closely to the form of the first. The spread of all three waves, however, was underpinned by a clearly defined process of spatial contagion. The Cambridge study showed the special characteristics of this pandemic in terms of the ages of those attacked: high rates were experienced across the age spectrum, a feature also seen internationally. 相似文献
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Wilfried Witte 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》2006,29(1):5-20
The Influenza Pandemic of 1918–20 in medical debate. The history of the so called Spanish Influenza 1918–1920 is summarized especially in regard to the developments in medical debate. In Germany, Richard Pfeiffer, who had discovered Haemophilus influenzae after the previous pandemic 1890 / 91, managed it to defend his thesis that his “bacillus” was the causative agent of the flu, by modifying his theory moderately. The Early Virology of influenza in postwar times was still fixed to bacteriology and did not yet have the force of school‐building. Aggressive therapy, e.g. with derivatives of chinine, were used in a concept of polypragmasy. The connection between influenza in animals and influenza in mankind was unknown or of no major interest till the rise of virology as an academic discipline in the 1950s. Since the outbreak of avian influenza in Asia 1997 virological archaeology is challenged to fill the historical part in the attempt to fight the threat of the highly pathogenic bird flu. In the beginning of the “short 20. century” politicians and doctors had no interest to build a “monument” of influenza. Today, virological reductionism does not have the power to (re‐)construct such a monument. 相似文献
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MacDougall H 《Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences》2007,62(1):56-89
This article compares the Toronto Health Department's role in controlling the 1918 influenza epidemic with its activities during the SARS outbreak in 2003 and concludes that local health departments are the foundation for successful disease containment, provided that there is effective coordination, communication, and capacity. In 1918, Toronto's MOH Charles Hastings was the acknowledged leader of efforts to contain the disease, care for the sick, and develop an effective vaccine, because neither a federal health department nor an international body like WHO existed. During the SARS outbreak, Hastings's successor, Sheela Basrur, discovered that nearly a decade of underfunding and new policy foci such as health promotion had left the department vulnerable when faced with a potential epidemic. Lack of cooperation by provincial and federal authorities added further difficulties to the challenge of organizing contact tracing, quarantine, and isolation for suspected and probable cases and providing information and reassurance to the multi-ethnic population. With growing concern about a flu pandemic, the lessons of the past provide a foundation for future communicable disease control activities. 相似文献
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Social and economic factors significantly influenced grave-marker choice in southern California cemeteries during the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries. Gradual changes in the American way of death since Victorian times underwent punctuated shifts in
mortuary attitudes, commemoration practices, and funerary materials following moments of extreme social and economic duress.
While the form of gravestones slowly evolved from large monuments to smaller flush markers during the late 1800s and early
1900s, they collectively experienced a pronounced shift during the 1920s, reflecting American responses to the devastating
human losses of World War I and the 1918–19 influenza pandemic. Financial conditions directly affected decisions regarding
those materials selected to mark the deceased as well. Although overall trends reveal that granite gravestones gradually replaced
marble as the marker of choice in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, pronounced fiscal struggles during the
1907 Bankers’ Panic and the Great Depression were evinced in distinct surges in less expensive marble and metal grave markers. 相似文献
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Jonathan Everts 《对极》2013,45(4):809-825
This paper discusses the ways in which 2009 novel swine‐origin influenza A (H1N1) was announced and resonated with current pandemic anxieties. In particular, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) are used as a lens through which recent pandemic anxieties can be analysed and understood. This entails a closer look at the securitisation of public health and the challenges and struggles this may have caused within public health agencies. In that light, CDC' formal entanglement with global health security and its announcement of the H1N1 pandemic are interpreted, followed by an ethnographically informed focus on various people who were engaged in the H1N1 emergency response and their practices and practical struggles in the face of pandemic anxiety. 相似文献
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马克思学说研究会与中国共产主义组织的起源 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
以往若干史著记载了李大钊曾于1918年在北京发起过马克思学说研究会,但由于史料缺乏,近来多被学者否认。笔者根据当时的报载文章、早年俄国顾问撰写的《中共简史》,并参以当事者的回忆,认为马克思学说研究会确曾于1918年底至1919年上半年存在过。这个研究会的产生涉及苏俄人士与中国进步知识分子的初期联系与活动。虽然该会的参加人员、活动时间、组织形式都不怎么固定,是一个十分松散的非正式学会,却在中国开启了组织马克思主义团体的先河,成为中国共产主义组织的源头。 相似文献
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大河三角洲历史河网密度格网化重建方法——以上海市青浦区1918-1978年为研究范围 总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2
本研究以2004年上海市青浦区为研究范围,基于GIS技术构建格网体系,提取1918年和1978年2份军用地形图中的湖荡面积、河网密度、河流长度等指标,比对两者相关指数的分布状况和变化程度发现1918-1978年本区河网密化最主要的原因在于开挖新渠的同时大量保留地表原有水体。通过本个案研究总结出大河三角洲历史河网面貌的复原方法包括图形资料实测情况判断、实际分辨率分析、误差来源探讨、调校误差、格网体系构建等步骤。 相似文献
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《African Historical Review》2013,45(2):80-112
ABSTRACTThis article traces the appearance of poliomyelitis in Johannesburg during the first recognised epidemic in South Africa in the early months of 1918. The course of the epidemic is examined by reviewing available statistics and investigating the problems that the epidemic imposed on medical and health authorities, both locally and within higher echelons of power. The response of the Johannesburg community to the disease is explored, as are the treatments available to polio patients at a time when the disease was regarded as ‘a mystery’. The place of the 1918 epidemic in the wider history of polio in South Africa is also explored. 相似文献
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For the People's Republic of China, the localised HIV/AIDS epidemics in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region are emerging as threats to those persons affected by the disease, but also to the stability of Xinjiang. This article examines the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Xinjiang and considers the impacts it may have on human and political security. The authors argue that due to its remote location and the religious, cultural and ethnic diversity of its population, and current political situation, Xinjiang poses difficult obstacles to effective programs in tackling HIV/AIDS, and the pandemic has disproportionately affected the minority nationalities in the region compared to their Han counterparts. If the HIV/AIDS pandemic among minority nationalities in Xinjiang continues to grow, it has the potential to further weaken social cohesion there, as well as Uyghur human security. Therefore, a HIV/AIDS pandemic in Xinjiang could tip the balance in terms of ethnic and regional stability. 相似文献