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1.
This article, based on case studies of plan 'construction' in the 1980s for large scale residential development near Bristol, England and in Poitiers, France, argues that the form and content of these local land use plans were the product of the coordinative planning strategy adopted. This strategy embodied assumptions about implementation and established relationships between development interests and the plan 'constructors' during the process of plan preparation. These relationships in turn were a consequence of the contrasting powers and resources available to local government to ensure the implementation of local land use plans.  相似文献   

2.
以合肥市主城区为例,基于2010-2014年居住用地的出让数据,运用地统计法、GWR模型等方法,对合肥市居住地价的空间异质性及其影响因素进行研究。研究表明:①合肥市居住地价的空间分布呈现出显著的多中心的空间结构,地价的峰值区分别以老城区、政务区天鹅湖及滨湖新区塘西河公园为中心呈现圈层式分布;②不同的地价影响因素表现出不同的空间分布特征,其中容积率对居住地价的贡献度空间差异最大,其次是宗地面积,主干路次之,交通站点对居住地价的贡献度最小;③厘清各影响因素对地价的作用机制,建立动态的数字地价模型,不仅能促进土地资源的集约利用,重塑城市的空间结构,而且能为城市整体价值的发挥提供重要的理论支撑。  相似文献   

3.
《Political Geography》1999,18(1):33-38
In this commentary I argue that the case study of the Hanford Reservation illustrates that local interests are not coterminous with the scale of local government. Hanford is an example of a decentralized land-use decision-making process, whereby multiple government jurisdictions and diverse interest groups are involved in the negotiations. While the governments are fixed by scale, the other actors are not, and their interests are fluid across scales. Interest groups are most concerned with land-use outcomes, whereas Morrill presents local governments as most interested in their authority over land use. Analysis of land-use conflicts, therefore, must involve examination of both scale-bounded government autonomy as well as the power struggles and cross-scale alliances of the multiple interests and social identities expressing concern about the outcome.  相似文献   

4.
Although landscape research has not been set apart formally as a distinctive branch of geography in the West, the methods used in certain research programs in the United States and in Australia come close to the integrated areal approach to the study of the physical environment characteristic of Soviet landscape science. In the United States, landscape-like methods are used by the Soil Survey staff of the Department of Agriculture in its soil surveys of counties. In Australia, the landscape approach is used by the Division of Land Research of the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization in its reports on Australia's land systems.  相似文献   

5.
Four pairs of minor civil divisions in the United States and the USSR are compared to determine differences of agricultural land use in areas with similar soils and heat and moisture supplies. In the United States, crops exceed animal products as a source of farm income only in the driest area. In the Soviet Union, crops are the principal source of farm income in both dry and more humid areas. This is related to the fact that the United States produces forage grasses and forage root crops mainly in more humid areas, while the Soviet Union relegates forage crops to a secondary role after bread grains and industrial row crops. Grain yields in the United States rise markedly from drier to more humid areas. In the Soviet Union the highest yields are achieved in the moderately dry chernozem zone.  相似文献   

6.
China's economic, political and military influence has been increasing at a time when the United States, as sole superpower, dominates the international order. This article outlines Chinese elite perspectives on the current global order and shows not only how these perceptions have affected China's policies towards the United States, but also how they have influenced China's regional and global policies more broadly. It argues that variants of realist logic that interpret Chinese behaviour as a form of balancing are not particularly helpful, and do not capture the essence of Chinese strategies that are underpinned by an overwhelming focus on its domestic development needs. The article posits that Chinese leaders have accepted that they operate in a unipolar order and have chosen not to stick out for negotiating positions that the United States would see as seriously detrimental to its interests. However, Beijing couples this accommodating approach with policies designed to ensure that, were relations seriously to deteriorate with Washington, China could draw on deepened regional and global ties to thwart any US effort to interrupt its domestic objectives. China's hope is that a more 'democratic' international order will emerge, which means not multipolarity as such but a 'concert of great powers system' that will operate to forge multilateral cooperation among the major states.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract. In an attempt to slow the consumption of urban land for a given population, and the negative outcomes thought by some to be generated by such sprawl, regulations in the form of (i) the local imposition of urban containment policies that restrict or prohibit the amount and/or the type of urban settlement beyond a certain line and (ii) the statewide enactment of mandatory growth management requirements for all local governments have been enacted in the United States. This paper describes a regression‐based analysis that finds that different forms of these policies are achieving their desired goal of shrinking the square mile size of an urban area. A comparison of the influence of the various forms of urban containment and growth management policies with other “natural evolution,”“flight from blight,” and “fiscalization of land use” factors that also influence the square mile size of an urban area is made, and policy implications are offered.  相似文献   

8.
Since the mid-1980s, Israel, thGawdat Bahgate United States, and other Western powers have accused Iran of pursuing nuclear weapons capability. Iranian officials have categorically denied these accusations and claimed that their nuclear program is designed for civilian purposes. This essay examines the history of Iran's nuclear program since the late 1950s and analyzes the forces that shape the country's nuclear policy. These forces include perception of security threats from Pakistan, Iraq, Israel, and the United States; domestic economic and political dynamics; and national pride. The following section will discuss the European and Russian stance on Iran's nuclear ambition as well as the International Atomic Energy Agency's efforts to reach a compromise that would satisfy the international community's concerns and Tehran's demands. The essay concludes with some predictions on how Iran's nuclear program is likely to evolve in the next few decades.  相似文献   

9.
从卢沟桥事变到太平洋战争爆发,不同时期内,国民政府中承担对美广播的电台不同,播音管理部门及其职权也多有变动,但最终在1940年夏季形成了中央广播事业管理处掌管技术、国民党中央宣传部国际宣传处掌管内容的分工,这加强了对美广播宣传的专业性与隐蔽性。地处中美间的电台之转播是对美传音成功的必要条件,1940年5月后,马尼拉的美国电台与美国人斯图尔特的转接构成了对美传音的稳定新渠道。为增强对美广播宣传效果,中方增加节目时长,调整节目时段,因时制宜地制定宣传重点,但核心诉求始终是推动美国制日援华。得益于中美相关人士的默契合作,国民政府对美广播塑造了与美国在理想、利益层面均有相似性的国家形象,这有助于中国争取美援、坚持抗战。  相似文献   

10.
This paper seeks to advance the so-called rising powers debate of the past 15 years by interrogating its selective use of the past. Key to the debate are the impact of rising powers like China on the international order, and how to accommodate them. Historiography plays a crucial but unappreciated role in the debate, as scholars look to the past to make sense of the future. Especially in the United States, many compare the US now to Great Britain before 1940, the idea being that both faced the same difficulties of decline relative to rising challengers. This is the core case of power transition theory in the field of International Relations. It is also, fundamentally, weak. As I show, it relies on a ‘long chronology’ of British decline that the past quarter-century of historical scholarship on twentieth-century Britain has undermined. I instead propose a ‘short chronology’ of the transition away from Britain that emphasizes agency and contingency over structure and the longue durée. Bringing the work of historians to the rising powers debate thus indicates that the key factors to study are not grand systemic forces, but short-term politics and diplomacy.  相似文献   

11.
用经济学中的资源配置理论解释城镇土地非均衡扩张,根据城镇土地扩张的机理不同,把城镇土地分为工业用地、居住用地、基础设施用地,并分别考察了其非均衡扩张路径,在此基础上,从"制度环境-政绩目标-政策工具"三方面提出了非均衡扩张的治理策略。结果认为:招商引资过程中竞相以低地价供地导致了工业用地非均衡扩张;对土地财政的过分追逐导致了居住用地非均衡扩张;地方政府为攫取政治晋升资本,大兴城市基础设施建设导致了基础设施用地非均衡扩张;为系统控制城镇土地非均衡扩张,应在"制度环境-政绩目标-政策工具"三个层次上制定相关治理策略。  相似文献   

12.
The U.S. decision to send 14,000 marines to Lebanon during the civil war of 1958 exasperated Lebanese peoples. The American military intervention, as a result, contributed to a cultural process in which many Lebanese began to imagine the United States as an “imperial” force, inheriting the legacy of Empire in the Middle East and stepping into the shoes of former European imperial powers, Britain and France. While admiring U.S. values and cultures, Lebanese anti-colonialists, nationalists, and pan-Arabists expressed their antipathy vis-à-vis the “imperial” nature of Washington's involvement in their internal affairs. Others, primarily content with and invested in the socio-political status quo, stood by and exalted the American presence in their country.

Using Lebanon as a case study, this paper examines popular perceptions of and experiences with U.S. global power during the 1958 crisis. As a result, it goes beyond traditional interstate relations and combines top-down and bottom-up approaches in order to illuminate power negotiations between a global superpower, the United States, and the Arab masses of Lebanon. In this spirit, the voices and actions of national and local leaders, as well as everyday men and women are integrated into the global story of U.S. involvement in the Middle East.  相似文献   

13.
以长春市为研究对象,基于用地现状图等数据,借助ArcGIS软件,采用斑块聚合指数、标准差椭圆、核密度估计等研究方法,对1995-2013年长春市居住与工业空间演进的耦合性进行了测度,发现: ①长春市居住、工业与城市用地分布的“离散化”趋势明显,其中居住用地的斑块聚合指数波动幅度较大;②从居住与工业用地“中心-外围”分布特征来看,三环以内居住与工业用地呈现明显的“逆协同”演变规律,二者的用地密度变化表现出明显的差异性;③从居住与工业用地格局演进来看,二者布局的耦合度呈下降趋势。从成长路径依赖、政府调控引导、市场经济驱动、科技创新带动、空间主体的决策等六个方面分析了影响居住与工业空间演进耦合性的影响因素。  相似文献   

14.
Since the 1990s, governments in the United States, France, and the Netherlands have expanded their capacities to police their national borders against immigrants. The paper examines how such efforts have contributed to the growth of centralized policing agencies and the devolution of powers to individualized border enforcers (local police, service providers, nonprofit organizations, etc.). The paper argues that bordering strategies have closed some “holes” in national walls, but they have also introduced countless disagreements, disputes, and resistances by undocumented immigrants, legal permanent residents, national citizens, and frontline border enforcers. Many of these small resistances stay small and do not evolve into large contentious struggles. Others scale up and present more important challenges to government efforts. Rather than simply producing smooth governing machines that sharpen boundaries between the national citizen and the foreign Other, bordering strategies generate waves of small and big struggles that puncture and blur these facile boundaries.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

This article examines why Asia-Pacific middle powers cooperate with each other on security issues. The article challenges the assumption that middle powers are primarily influenced by great-power structural factors in their security relations with each other. It argues that the dominant structural explanations of security cooperation between secondary states—balancing against the rise of China, responding to burden-sharing pressure from the United States, or hedging during a period of great power transition—have not been sufficiently tested. Using the 2009 Australia-South Korea security cooperation agreement as a representative example of middle power security cooperation, it finds that inter-personal leadership preferences played a key intervening role in filtering existing structural incentives into actual policy cooperation. It shows how congruence in leadership preferences shapes when and with whom middle powers are likely to cooperate on security issues. The article opens up the research agenda on middle powers by examining how they approach security relations in bilateral and horizontal contexts with each other.  相似文献   

16.
居住生态社区的内涵及其指标体系初探   总被引:18,自引:0,他引:18  
本文对居住生态社区的内涵进行了分析,建立了居住生态社区的测度指标体系。指标体系涉及生态住区的硬件、软件和心件(文化)等方面的内容。作者认为,居住生态社区并不是某个单一指标的完善,而是多个指标协同发展的社会-经济-自然复合生态系统。  相似文献   

17.
This article describes the formation of the Kansas City area as a section in the Pohnpeian sociopolitical system. Pohnpeian chiefdoms are traditionally marked out as ‘sections’ of land on the island of Pohnpei. Pohnpeians’ connection to their land is powerful and imbued with meaning but the Compact of Free Association propels Pohnpeian out‐migration to the United States. As the immigrant population of Pohnpeians in Kansas City increased, a paramount (tribal district) chief organized the ‘Section Over Heaven of Kansas City’ at the urging of collaborating Pohnpeian Kansas City residents. As the only fully functioning section outside of Pohnpei, the Kansas City section chief assigns chiefly titles, conducts tribute feasts, and incorporates the location into the Pohnpeian sociopolitical system. By integrating people and environment in meaningful ways, the Kansas City section creates a Pohnpeian place, separated from Pohnpeian land, integrated into Pohnpeian chieftainship. Pohnpeians in the United States refer to Kansas City as a Pohnpeian place in part on the basis of the paramount chief's organization of the Kansas City section.  相似文献   

18.
Since 2006, four maritime archaeology field schools, desktop and field surveys have been carried out in Guam. In 2012 a site associated with the United States Navy's Construction Battalion (US Seabees) was investigated. This paper summarizes the historical background of Guam and the known sites of maritime archaeological interest, particularly those dating to World War II. The problems of public interpretation of the cultural material of colonial powers are considered, and, using the Seabee site as an example, ways in which Guam's indigenous Chamorro people can be included in this history are presented.  相似文献   

19.
This article analyzes China’s attempts to participate in and use the negotiations about reforming the international opium control system in the interwar period. China had a contentious relationship with the international opium control system from its creation in the International Opium Convention of 1912 through the League of Nations opium control system of the 1920s and 1930s. The Chinese government wanted to gain acceptance for China as a modern state no longer in need of tutelage from the international community. They also wanted to portray the Chinese people as a modern race as a way of undermining colonial opium monopolies, which made a disproportionate amount of their profits from sales to Overseas Chinese. While they were not fully successful in either of these efforts, China did manage to win some support, drawing the United States into closer agreement with China’s positions. Engagement with the international system also had a considerable impact on China’s domestic opium politics and its broader diplomatic relationship with the major powers.  相似文献   

20.
Brazilian immigration to the United States is a relatively recent phenomenon that gained momentum in the 1980s in unprecedented numbers. Today an estimated 1.2 million Brazilians live in the United States. Brazilians (re)create transnational places and spaces through social, cultural, and economic practices, within the immigrant receiving communities of Marietta, Georgia, and Framingham, Massachusetts, in the United States. They also incorporate and add new elements to their livelihoods in the respective sending communities of Piracanjuba, in the state of Goiás, and Governador Valadares, in the state of Minas Gerais, in Brazil. How are these Portuguese-speaking Brazilian immigrants shaping and (re)creating new places and spaces? In what ways and spheres do transnational exchanges affect two places of destination in the United States and two places of origin in Brazil after migration occurs? Using multiple methods, which include in-depth interviews and participant observation, this paper addresses these questions by evaluating the changes incurred by migration. I use a framework perspective that is largely from outside the Latino/Hispanic context. Migration processes are just as much about those who leave Brazil for the United States as it is about those who return to Brazil (i.e. returnees) and what happens to those respective receiving and sending communities in both countries.  相似文献   

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