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A case study of three early modern Dutch cities (Alkmaar, Delft, and Amsterdam) using geographical information systems and confronting earlier historical, sociological, and geographical models finds clear patterns of segregation below the level of the city block, thus necessitating block-face mapping. The remarkable continuity in patterns of residential segregation is best explained by the workings of the real-estate market, allowing the well-to-do and middle classes to realize their preferences. In Amsterdam, the merchant elites were able to use their political dominance to plan a scenic and expansive residential environment free from noisy and odorous activities. 相似文献
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Gillian Clark 《Early Medieval Europe》2001,10(2):161-176
This article uses a little‐known sermon by Victricius, bishop of Rouen, as an approach to the fourth‐century debate on the translation of relics. In the last third of the fourth century, the cult of martyrs and their relics was promoted by Damasus of Rome, Paulinus of Nola and Ambrose of Milan, but remained controversial in the western churches. Roman law forbade the disturbance of dead bodies, especially where magic was suspected. Christians as well as non‐Christians were repelled by the veneration of bone, bloodstains and dust, and by the extreme asceticism that was often associated with relic‐cult. The sermon Victricius preached, welcoming to Rouen a gift of relics from Ambrose, is here interpreted as an attempt at cultural translation. Victricius deploys a late‐antique education in rhetoric and philosophy to make relic‐cult and asceticism acceptable. Like many others, he uses the adventus, the ceremonial reception of a visiting emperor or his deputy by local aristocracy and officials, as an analogy for the reception of relics by ascetics and clergy. Exceptionally, he equates corporeal relics with the presence of God; but his unique theology of relics was lost to view. 相似文献
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Poul Grinder-HansenAuthor Vitae 《Journal of Medieval History》2011,37(1):114-124
The concept of an ancient system of gift exchange gradually being replaced by a market economy during the middle ages and early modern period has been rightly challenged by many recent studies. As it will appear from this essay on gift giving at the Danish court of King Frederik II (1559-88), gifts and favours continued to play an important role in the organisation of power and society. Several examples from sixteenth-century Denmark are discussed, including Frederik II’s patronage of the astronomer Tycho Brahe. Special emphasis is put on a gift from the Danish noble couple Hans Skovgaard and Anne Parsberg on the occasion of the baptism in 1577 of their godson, the eldest son of Frederik II. Donations at rites of passage like baptism were a convention at the time, yet the huge gilt silver cup known as the ‘Rose Flower’ was more than that. It was an elegant way of reciprocating an earlier, royal wedding gift. At the same time the cup and its symbolism hinted at the ideal of the generous lord, stressing the hospitality and accessibility expected from the king, an ideal as common to king and nobility at the renaissance court of the sixteenth century as it had been in the previous centuries. The more humble gifts mentioned in private account books of the time point to the fact that people did not necessarily give someone a gift to obtain something in return. Sometimes gifts were simply given to sustain the social order of which the donors were a part. 相似文献
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《Journal of Medieval History》2012,38(1):114-124
The concept of an ancient system of gift exchange gradually being replaced by a market economy during the middle ages and early modern period has been rightly challenged by many recent studies. As it will appear from this essay on gift giving at the Danish court of King Frederik II (1559–88), gifts and favours continued to play an important role in the organisation of power and society. Several examples from sixteenth-century Denmark are discussed, including Frederik II's patronage of the astronomer Tycho Brahe. Special emphasis is put on a gift from the Danish noble couple Hans Skovgaard and Anne Parsberg on the occasion of the baptism in 1577 of their godson, the eldest son of Frederik II. Donations at rites of passage like baptism were a convention at the time, yet the huge gilt silver cup known as the ‘Rose Flower’ was more than that. It was an elegant way of reciprocating an earlier, royal wedding gift. At the same time the cup and its symbolism hinted at the ideal of the generous lord, stressing the hospitality and accessibility expected from the king, an ideal as common to king and nobility at the renaissance court of the sixteenth century as it had been in the previous centuries. The more humble gifts mentioned in private account books of the time point to the fact that people did not necessarily give someone a gift to obtain something in return. Sometimes gifts were simply given to sustain the social order of which the donors were a part. 相似文献
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Peter Schröder 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(2-4):59-79
Along the entire course of that seventeenth century, the great principles of representative government and the rights of conscience were passing through the anguish of conflict and fiery trial (De Quincey). 相似文献
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Alexandra Chavarría Arnau 《Early Medieval Europe》2010,18(2):160-174
After a decade of intense debate on the chronology of the so‐called Visigothic churches in Spain the divergent opinions have made little progress owing to the lack of reliable chronologies and the limits of a very stylistic approach. This article aims to present an analysis of the social and economic conditions of the seventh century (particularly the second half) as a background to understanding and defending the existence of church building in late Visigothic Spain. Their physical type (monumental but not enormous), the quality of their construction techniques and decoration, their function (absence of baptisteries and, often, presence of privileged burials) suggest aristocratic patronage of these buildings, an identification widely supported by textual and epigraphical evidence. 相似文献
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Growth curves were prepared for length of the diaphyses of the six major long bones of the limbs and for length of the calcaneus, talus, cuboid and the first metacarpals and metatarsals, of ages up to 20 years including several immature and many full-term fetuses. Most curves showed what appears to be a consistent adolescent growth spurt at about 17 years, but the number of specimens supporting these parts of the curves is too small for the validity of this spurt to be beyond doubt. The fetal diaphysis lengths were similar to those of Fazekas and Kósa and other recent populations but, compared with curves prepared from the Maresh radiographic data for recent caucasoids, the island diaphyseal growth rate, starting at about 4 months after birth, fell progressively behind so that, by 18 years for example, the femur was 90 mm shorter and the humerus 60 mm shorter than the Maresh equivalents. These findings accord with the short stature of the island adults (male mean 166.2 cm). The growth curves were closer to those of some ancient peoples, Amerindian, caucasoid and negroid, than to contemporary caucasoid. There is evidence of a secular change in growth in this island region because the calculated mean height at 18 years of this earlier island population is at the present time achieved by boys by about 14 years of age. Thus it is argued that the earlier population was affected by stunting factors. Although there is no skeletal evidence of malnutrition, there is plenty of evidence that the way of life was full of hardship in which the children shared. They took a full part in the arduous work involved in farming marginal-quality land; the houses were damp, cold, smoky and dark; they were overcrowded although, mainly because of the high infant-mortality rate, families were not large. 相似文献
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Jostein Gripsrud 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2013,19(2):197-209
Abstract The discussion of the multicultural society has long been current in Danish social and educational policy, but it is only at the turn of the millennium that the issue has been placed on the agenda in a serious way in relation to the Danish national cultural policy. The transformation from a homogenous identity concept to the acceptance of a diversity of voices and interpretations is occurring only slowly in both the production and dissemination of art and culture. In the cultural policy discourse up through the 1980s there is an acute lack of discussion about the ethnic or multicultural. Far up into the 1990s, the cultural political contributions within the multicultural field are left to the social or humanitarian organs, with integration as the general goal. At the advent of the millennium we can identify greater openness and interest for the multicultural field. In the evaluation of The Ministry of Culture's Development Fund I have analysed the subsidized activities according to the strategies of ethnic revival , interculturalism and hybridisation , and in the article I discuss the problems of formulating criteria for artistic quality in an area new to members of the board. On this background I discuss the relation between multiculturalism and cultural diversity , where I find the concept of cultural diversity to be a better reflection of the new hybrid cultures, which not only transcend boundaries and traditional cultures but dissolve them and create new expressions across genres and cultural forms. 相似文献
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Growth curves were prepared for length and various other dimensions, including some innovative ones, of the scapula, clavicle, first rib, ilium, pubis and ischium of ages up to 20 years including several immature and many full-term fetuses. Most curves showed, like the previously reported diaphyses of the limb bones, what appears to be a consistent adolescent growth spurt at about 17 years, but the number of specimens supporting these parts of the curves is too small for the validity of this growth spurt to be beyond doubt. The fetal dimensions were similar to those of Fazekas and Kósa and of other recent populations. For the post-natal stages of growth, no data are available for comparison but there was close correspondence with the growth curves of some ancient peoples, Amerindian, caucasoid and negroid, whose limb-bone growth rates had also been shown previously to be well below those of contemporary caucasoids. Thus it is argued that the shoulder-girdle and hip-bone data provided further evidence that this Scottish island population was affected by stunting factors. Although there is no skeletal evidence of malnutrition, there is plenty of evidence that the way of life was full of hardship in which the children shared. They took a full part in the arduous work involved in farming marginal-quality land; the houses were damp, cold, smoky and dark; they were overcrowded although, mainly because of the high infantmortality rate, families were not large. 相似文献
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The archaeological bitumens of Bahrain from the Early Dilmun period (c.2200 BC) to the sixteenth century AD: a problem of sources and trade 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
JACQUES CONNAN PIERRE LOMBARD ROBERT KILLICK FLEMMING HØJLUND JEAN-FRANÇOIS SALLES ANWAR KHALAF 《Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy》1998,9(2):141-181