THE DYIRBAL KINSHIP SYSTEM

The Dyirbal-speaking people of North Queensland, Australia, have an unusual (and possibly unique) kinship system. Marriage takes place with someone not from ego's own generation but a generation above or below. A cross-cousin through an elder-sibling link at the parents' generation (i.e. mother's elder brother's child, father's elder sister's child) is a potential mother-in-law or father-in-law; ego may marry the child of such a relation. It follows from this that ego may also marry the child of a younger opposite-sex sibling of a grandparent (e.g. mother's mother's younger brother's child). The system is quite symmetrical with regard to sex. Following exposition of the rules of the kinship system, the paper discusses how these are actually put into practice. Justification for the kin categories is also provided by linguistic observations on (i) dual forms of kin terms; (ii) the possible subjects of ‘verbs of begetting’; (iii) the kinship basis of the two first person dual pronouns; (iv) the rules for using the special deferential (or ‘mother-in-law’) speech style.     

吐蕃的遗产,敦煌的缘分

Now let’s turn our attention to Dunhuang in the Hexi Corridor,the home of the Mogao Grottoes.What position does it hold in Tibetan history and culture?What does it reveal of the formation and development of the Chinese nation as a whole?The area around Dunhuang was called Sanwei in ancient times.     

FAMILY,KINSHIP AND REVOLUTION: THE RUSSIAN NOBILITY, 1917-23

Abstract

This article examines the importance of family and kin to the Russian nobility during the Russian Revolution. It focuses on the experiences of four interrelated families to show how nobles used family connections for a variety of purposes prior to I9I7. This helped them to maintain their predominant position within tsarist society. The article argues that these links continued after the revolution, helping nobles survive everyday hardship and official persecution under the new regime; in some cases, surprisingly large family ‘communities’ of nobles emerged. These communities persisted into the I920S and even when they disbanded the wider family maintained its central position in noble life.     

THE TIME OF THE SELF AND THE TIME OF THE OTHER

What is time? This essay offers an attempt to think again about this oldest of philosophical questions by engaging David Hoy's recent book, The Time of Our Lives: A Critical History of Temporality, which proposes a “history of time‐consciousness” in twentieth‐century European philosophy. Hoy's book traces the turn‐of‐the‐century debate between Husserl and Bergson about the different senses of time across the various configurations of hermeneutics, deconstruction, poststructuralism, and feminist theory. For him, what is at stake in such a project is to distinguish between the scientific‐objective “time of the universe” and the phenomenology of human temporality, “the time of our lives.” Hoy's approach is to organize his book around the three tenses of time—past/present/future—and to view objective‐scientific time as derived from the more primordial forms of temporalizing lived experience that occur in our interpretation of time. In my reading of Hoy's work, I attempt to explore how “time” (lived, experiential, phenomenological) can be read not in terms of “consciousness” (Hoy's thematic), but in terms of the self's relationship with an Other. That is, my aim is less to establish a continental tradition about time‐consciousness, understood through the methods of genealogy, phenomenology, or critical theory, than it is to situate the problem of time in terms of an ethics of the Other. In simple terms, I read Hoy's project as too bound up with an egological interpretation of consciousness. By reflecting on time through the relationship to the Other rather than as a mode of the self's own “time‐consciousness,” I attempt to think through the ethical consequences for understanding temporality and its connection to justice.     

THE POLITICS OF DESPAIR AND THE CALLING OF HISTORY

What happens to history as a set of practices and intellectual protocols when the assumed subject of our historical narratives is not a product of the European Enlightenment? Such has been the question motivating much of Dipesh Chakrabarty's work for almost thirty years. This essay offers a largely chronological account of Chakrabarty's major works. It begins with his first book, published in 1989, which provided a culturalist account of working‐class history in Bengal. It then tracks his movement in the early 1990s toward a position positing radical disjuncture and even incommensurability between the worlds of Indian subalterns and Western moderns, and his subsequent attempts to soften and blur precisely this kind of disjuncture. Meditating on the problems posed by the experiences of subjects who did not live within the time of history led him to answer in the affirmative the question of whether there are experiences of the past that history could not capture. Soon thereafter, however, he drew back from the most extensive articulation of this claim, suggesting that the experiences of the non‐Enlightenment subject could function as a positive resource and not merely as the source of a profound and destabilizing critique. I argue here that this solution to the problem of incommensurability is not entirely satisfactory, for it relies implicitly on precisely the kinds of argumentative asymmetries of which his earlier analysis taught us to be wary. Chakrabarty himself, meanwhile, has continued to step further away from the radicalism of the early 1990s; his most recent book may be read as a defense of rationalist history in the face of contemporary threats posed by the rise of a politics of identity in India.     

PROBLEMS OF THE LEVEL OF THE CASPIAN AND THE STABILITY OF ITS SHORELINE

The first of two papers on the problem of forecasting the level of the Caspian Sea evaluates factors widely believed to have been responsible for its lowering during much of the present century (including tectonic movements, climatic cycles, human activity). It concludes that previous forecasts have been inaccurate because of the failure to adequately model the complexity of processes involved, specifically the internal mechanisms of “self-regulation” of water levels. Continuation of the recent slight rise in the Caspian's level is predicted at least into the early 1990s (translated by Andrew R. Bond).     

世纪精品杰作 百年惠存留芳——世界最大最重金币研制生产

为了迎接人类跨入二十一世纪 ,向世人展示中国金银币的风采 ,受中国金币总公司委托 ,在中国印钞造币总公司的领导下 ,沈阳造币厂开发制作了千年纪念金币。该金币面向国内国际发行共 2 0枚。单枚质量 10ｋｇ ,成色 99 99% ,直径 180ｍｍ ,厚度为 2 4 3ｍｍ ,边部齿数 3 80个 ,面值 3 0 0 0 0元 ,为目前世界上最大最重的金币。该产品正面图案为中华世纪坛 ,背景为九龙盘绕 ,象征着中华民族的腾飞。有“千年纪念”、“中华人民共和国”及“2 0 0 0”字样 (见封面图 )。背面图案为一“眼”状的几何图形 ,意寓“放眼看未来”。边缘有云、水、日、…     

MYTHS AND MEANINGS OF IMMIGRATION AND THE METROPOLIS

A number of trends in recent immigration to Canada are discussed: the scale of contemporary movement; the transformation of national origins over the past generation; the diversity of entry classes and the lack of any singular immigrant condition; the remarkable contraction of immigrant destinations to a few large cities; the contribution of immigration to population growth and housing demand in these metropolitan areas; and the distinctive geography of the various entry classes, with higher-status arrivals disproportionately located in Vancouver. The remainder of the paper considers and rejects two common myths in the discussion of immigration: first, the myth of an immigrant underclass, and second, the myth of an immigrant overclass. Using research from Vancouver associated with the Metropolis Project, the first myth is challenged from an analysis of Census data that emphasizes the social context of immigrant life and upward mobility; the second myth is shaken by a qualitative methodology that reveals the unexpectedly fragile experience of a number of business immigrants. Certaines tendances relatives à l'immigration récente au Canada sont examinées: l'envergure des déplacements actuels, les changements dans l'origine nationale des immigrants au cours de la dernière génération, la diversité des catégories d'immigrants admis et, par conséquent, l'absence d'une seule condition pour tous, le fait que les immigrants choisissent essentiellement de s'établir dans quelques grandes villes, la croissance de la population et la demande en logement attribuables aux immigrants dans ces régions métropolitaines, et les choix géographiques distincts des immigrants selon leur catégorie à l'admission, comme c'est le cas de Vancouver, qui accueille un nombre disproportionné d'arrivants de statut élevé. Dans le reste de l'article, les résultats d'études effectuées dans le cadre du Projet Métropole permettent d'examiner puis de réfuter deux mythes communément associés à l'immigration au Canada: l'existence d'un sous-prolétariat et celle d'une classe dominante d'immigrants urbains. D'abord, l'existence d'un sous-prolétariat est rejetée suite à l'analyse de données tirées du recensement concernant le contexte social entourant les immigrants et la mobilité sociale ascendante de la plupart des nouveaux arrivants. Ensuite, une méthode qualitative met en lumière une découverte surprenante: la fragilité de l'expérience de la prétendue classe dominante – les immigrants qui travaillent dans le monde des affaires.