“北胡”“西域”盐色与丝路交通地理

汉代以来盐史记忆中已经可以看到中原人对远方奇异盐产的印象。多处盐产地盐的异样色彩,与内地以往经济生产与饮食生活中的观察体会及消费经验有所不同。关于宿沙氏“煮海”传说盐色“五样”的情节,学者以为“异闻”。许多文献资料可见所谓“紫盐”“青盐”“黄盐”“赤盐”“黑盐”等记录。这些对于远方盐色的体会,是以长途交通实践为发现条件的。而早期丝绸之路史的记录,与相关盐史迹象存在某种关联。这一情形,值得交通地理与文化交流史研究者关注。     

罗振玉藏“元年铍”铭文所见地名“广望”考

通过对罗振玉旧藏“元年铍”中未知地名“ ”新的考释,可以将该地名隶定为“ ”,读为“广望”,即见于《汉书·地理志》的西汉广望。以往战国时“广望”多被划入燕国境内,从“元年铍”应为战国时赵国兵器可知,“广望”在战国时一度属赵国。结合铭文内容与史料,铍铭中的“元年”应为赵悼襄王元年,广望属赵时间上限应该不会早于赵孝成王元年,下限则为赵王迁八年。     

Whiteness and Farmers Markets: Performances,Perpetuations … Contestations?

Abstract: Academics and activists highlight the potential for alternative agrifood movements to contribute to the evolving coalescence of justice and sustainability. This potential, however, is constrained by what scholars have identified as the prevalent whiteness of such movements. This paper uses ethnographic research at two northern California farmers markets to investigate how whiteness is performed and perpetuated through the movements’ discourses and practices. We found that many managers, vendors and customers hold notions of what farmers and community members should be that both reflect and inform an affluent, liberal habitus of whiteness. Although whiteness pervades these spaces, we have also witnessed individual discourses and acts of solidarity and anti‐racism, as well as fledgling institutional efforts to contest white cultural dominance. We conclude by discussing the potential of farmers markets to create an anti‐racist politics of food.     

A “Caesarian,”“Augustan,” or “Justinian” Worldview of Theoretical and Quantitative Geography?

An evolving world view of theoretical and quantitative geography is presented using an analogy from the development of the ancient Roman and Byzantine Empires between Julius Caesar in the first century BC to Justinian in the sixth century AD. This is used to set the discussion platform for a series of papers presented by participants from the early days of quantitative revolution in geography and its transformation into a robust and relevant spatial science. Current theoretical and quantitative geography needs to be, first, active in developing new ideas and applications, second, to continue to transform its methodology to be more societally relevant and scientifically robust and, third, to actively engage cultural critiques of these processes.     

西汉“侯邑”更名“侯国”年代断限及 相关问题考辨

西汉时期列侯封地名称存在一个由“侯邑”演变为“侯国”的过程。综合利用传世文献以及印章、封泥、简牍中与列侯同名的邑类材料,可以推断西汉侯邑更名为侯国的时间在文帝三年左右。更名原因主要有西汉列侯地位逐步下降、侯邑与汤沐邑难以区分以及同名县邑增多等。侯邑更名为侯国,不只是名称的变易,还实际反映了西汉列侯性质的变迁,列侯逐渐丧失了其相对独立的地位。明确侯邑与汤沐邑的区别,可以为判断出土文献中“邑”类材料的性质、断限提供可靠依据,进一步促进汉邑问题的深入研究。     

“泥婆罗门”疏证

汉文史籍所载吐蕃南疆史事常见“泥婆罗门”一词,前人往往将该词视作“泥婆罗”的误用。综合汉、藏文献和域外研究,“门”应是门隅(Mon-yul)或门巴(Mon-pa)之简称,“泥婆罗”与“门”应为两个部落或属国的名称。     

Two medieval ‘trepanations’ – therapy or swindle?

During the 1991–1992 excavation of the ruins of the medieval cathedral in Hamar, Norway, the broken skull of an elderly man was found, showing evidence of an incomplete trepanation. The ‘surgeon’ had obviously tried to penetrate the skull surface around bregma in an irregular circle of 23 × 21 mm. Upon investigation, the skull revealed a reactive‐pathological area of the internal surface of the occipital bone, which probably represents a respite after a meningeal disorder (a tumour or an infectious process), causing us to suggest that the trepanation was meant to cure the patient's increasing headache. However, as a second skull with similar marks was found in the same churchyard, another explanation seems possible. Because the brain tumour in the first case may have altered the patient's mental state, we may surmise that these incomplete operations were an attempt to remove from these patients' heads the ‘Stone of Madness’, which was then commonly considered to be the reason for psychiatric diagnoses as well as persistent headache, and often depicted in European art, most notably in the 16^th and 17^th centuries. The second skull, revealing an even more incomplete attempt, did not show any skeletal pathology at all. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

20世纪上半叶中国“人文地理学”与“人生地理学”内涵演变研究

当今学界对于我国地理学发展史上“人文地理学”与“人生地理学”二者的内涵界定和关系阐述并不完全准确。通过对20世纪上半叶地理学科文献的解读,可以发现二者存在三个阶段的演化:第一阶段,为传统方志地学与近代人文地理学交汇下萌发,以分类呈现人文事象为主的“人文地理学”;第二阶段,为批判方志传统,主张以人地关系论为核心,并在法国学派思想影响下产生的“人生地理学”;第三阶段,为批判人地关系论,在景观论与辩证唯物主义理论相结合的背景下提出的“人文地理学”。在三个不同阶段,“Human Geography”一词未曾改变,但在中国代表的内涵迥异,相互之间存在部分的继承,但更多的是通过批判而形成的思想演化。其根源在于西方近代地理学思想传入中国后,与中国地方的学术环境及时代背景产生交融,继而形成内涵各异的学术思想变体。     

‘Shirkers’, ‘Scrimjacks’ and ‘Scrimshanks’?: British Civilian Masculinity and Reserved Occupations, 1914–45

In both World Wars, the state retained men with essential skills on the home front. Despite needing to mobilise industry and labour in order to supply the military and to maintain key services such as healthcare and food provision, those men who remained in civilian roles were susceptible to accusations of cowardice and being derided as shirkers evading their patriotic duty. While the manliness of the ‘soldier hero’ was secure, the civilian man was susceptible to having his masculinity called into question. This article utilises a range of sources including parliamentary debates, cartoons, Mass Observation records, written testimony and oral histories to examine the policies that were implemented affecting civilian male workers deployed in essential jobs in both wars and the perceptions of men to their reserved status. While there were haphazard attempts to raise an ‘industrial army’ in the First World War, by 1939, a more systematic approach had been implemented with a Schedule of Reserved Occupations drawn up retaining key men in their work. While men on the Second World War home front were potentially diminished by the ‘soldier hero’ and the female war worker, they defined and defended their contributions to the national war effort in written and oral sources in gendered terms, making reference to job security, valued skills, significant earning power, the auxiliary position of female dilutees, positive cultural representations and the added dangers from aerial bombing.     

楚灵王“南怀之行”地名考

清华简《系年》载有楚灵王“南怀之行”相关史事,可与《左传》昭公四年、五年所载楚灵王伐吴相关史事相应。据吴楚之战形势可以推知,其中所涉朱方、棘、栎、麻、夏汭、钟离、州来、巢、繁扬、琐、鹊岸、罗汭、莱山、南怀、汝清、坁箕之山等地名,均在今淮河流域。     

‘Is imperialist nationalism an oxymoron?’*

According to Ernest Gellner's celebrated definition, nationalism is a political principle that holds that the political and the national unit should be congruent. Based on this definition, Alexander Motyl has declared that ‘nationalism and imperialism are polar types’. Even so, dozens of books and articles have used the concept of ‘imperialist nationalism’ without any qualms. Is this just a matter of terminological confusion, or does it reflect a deeper disagreement on what the phenomenon of nationalism actually is? In the lecture, I discuss the concept of ‘imperialist nationalism’ as used in the standard literature and find that numerous historical actors take pride in being both nationalists and imperialists. I distinguish between overseas colonial empires and contiguous land‐based empires and demonstrate that in both cases, ‘imperialist nationalism’ can be found. In the latter case, nationalism can take the shape of either ‘nation‐building imperialism’, in which nationalists strive for cultural homogenisation throughout the state, or ‘ethnocratic imperialism’, in which the distinction between ‘the imperial nation’ and other national groups is retained. In overseas colonial empires, I find only ethnocratic imperialism. As a case study, I analyse how Russian nationalists have related to the fact that Russia has historically been an Empire.     

A Moldovan ‘sheep'? – framing Moldovan passivity

This article offers a different perspective for understanding Moldovan discourses of passivity by turning its attention to representations of national identity. Its main focus is a Moldovan ballad, Miori?a, and the way in which it discursively both frames and legitimises inaction. It builds on the idea that Miori?a is a central part of the way in which Moldovans represent their identity with respect to the writings of Ion Dru??, its main promoter in Moldovan society. More importantly, the ballad is conceptually linked to national characteristics such as lamentation and kindness, characteristics that can be summed up under the headline of ‘passivity’. Thus, drawing from constructivist and post‐structuralist approaches, the article stresses how these elements inform the Moldovan view of the self, its identity and even its representations of foreign affairs, framing the Moldovan lack of agency on a discursive level.     

COP‐6 Collapse or ‘to be Continued?’

In November 2000 the Sixth Conference of Parties in The Hague was suspended without reaching agreement. Before the start of the meeting, Executive Secretary Michael Zammit Cutajar described the conference as 'a make or break opportunity for the climate change treaties'. However, the collapse of this meeting does not mean a total breakdown of the climate negotiations. Only 10 days after the collapse, leading developed country negotiators gathered again to revive the talks. Four articles in the April 2001 issue of International Affairs will analyse in much more detail the meeting in The Hague, the revived negotiations and the implications for further climate policy. Four distinguished authors will shed light on the climate change issue from four different perspectives: Europe, the United States, developing countries and the non-governmental organizations.     

说 “淮汭”与 “豫章”:吴师入郢之役战争地理新探

公元前506年吴师入郢之役的战争地理过去共有三种论说。本文结合古文字资料、历史文献以及田野考察资料,重新解读“淮汭”与“豫章”两个关键地名,并以吴、楚之间的水、陆交通线为背景,重建这一战役的战争地理。吴师的进兵与退兵都是利用淮河水道,而双方的交战则是在随枣走廊之中往复。相较于过去的学说,本文的地理重构不只是立足于较为可靠的文献基础,同时展现出更为合理的空间逻辑关系。     

‘What makes one an Israeli?’ Negotiating identities in everyday representations of ‘Israeliness’*

Abstract. This paper examines the construction of a sense of Israeli identity which is not deducible from the public political discourse. It analyses common verbal representations of ‘being an Israeli person’, namely, what people in contemporary Israeli culture repeatedly say about Israelis, and how they position themselves vis‐à‐vis the commonsensical agreements they exchange, assuming that the massive use of such clichés in certain contexts creates a discursive routine that has ‘a life of its own’, through which people constantly negotiate their self‐images and their sense of belonging. It investigates the ways these representations create solidarity or demarcation and how such current popular representations relate to canonical veteran images of Israeli identity, notably that of the pre‐state ‘Native Israeli’ (Sabra) archetype. The analysis is based on 295 anonymous open responses to the question ‘What makes one an Israeli?’ published weekly in the Weekend Supplement of Maariv, the second largest newspaper in Israel, between 1996 and 1998. The analysis has led to the following observations: (1) Instead of the most expected grand ideological (ethnic, national, religious, etc.) issues of conflict, the responses reveal a ‘pursuit of culturedness’, using an implied scale of mastering good manners and possessing a ‘genuine culture’ which form the dominant parameter of judging the ‘Israeli person’. (2) A tension between mainstream and marginalised groups is shaped by a ‘chase and flight’ dynamic of embracing and rejecting the mythological Sabra image (in asymmetry with these groups' assumed political stances), which image is believed to be a symbol of the once hegemonic veteran elite. (3) This tension paradoxically contributes to the persistence of the canonical image of the Sabra that is currently delegitimised by much intellectual discourse.     

Distinctions,distinctions: ‘public’ and ‘private’ force?

This article evaluates recent literatures within International Relations on so‐called ‘private force’. It suggests that the conceptual weaknesses of much of this literature can be accounted for, in part, by a misunderstanding of the historical and sociological importance of the way power is organized and legitimated through shifts in the public—private distinction. This distinction is one of the primary mechanisms, if not the primary mechanism, for organizing political, economic and, therefore, military power. For the sake of historical accuracy and conceptual integrity scholars should abandon the terminology of ‘public’ and ‘private’ force. Tracing how public‐private distinctions shift and change as an effect of political power is a joint task for historical sociology and international political theory