Presidential Leadership of Congressional Civil Rights Voting: The Cases of Eisenhower and Johnson

Presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower and Lyndon B. Johnson presented dramatically contrasting styles of leadership in their relationships with Congress. Yet each was successful in securing passage of monumental civil rights legislation in very different political environments. Focusing on the Civil Rights Act of 1957 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, we show that both Eisenhower and Johnson attracted support from the opposition party's faction at the far end of the ideological spectrum while retaining support from his own party's dominant faction. The analysis suggests that it is not the president's leadership style alone that produces legislative results, but a proper mixture of leadership style and the political environment.     

Race and Civil Rights in the Contemporary Era

Paul M. Sniderman and Edward G. Carmines, Reaching Beyond Race
Brian K. Landsberg, Enforcing Civil Rights: Race Discrimination and the Department of Justice
Robert C. Smith, Racism in the Post-Civil Rights Era: Now You See It, Now You Don't     

孙中山直接民权思想之探析

孙中山先生在分析西方代议政体弊端的基础上,提出实行选举权、罢免权、创制权和复决权等四项直接民权。孙中山的直接民权思想在某种程度上,对保障和实现人民主权原则有着一定的积极作用,但在理论和实践中也不可避免地存在困境。     

Assessing Presidential Communications in Civil Rights Policymaking

This chapter compares the public communications of modern presidents across target groups and issue areas of civil rights. We find that attention, support, and symbolism on civil rights vary considerably across individual presidents and political party. Not surprisingly, in their public messages Democratic presidents are more attentive and supportive of civil rights than are Republican presidents. Some results were expected, while others were surprising. Lyndon B. Johnson was attentive and supportive; but, unexpectedly, George H. W. Bush was highly attentive to and quite nonsupportive of civil rights. Also surprisingly, on most indicators, Bush's policy statements were less symbolic and less equivocal than were Ronald W. Reagan's. Most attention is given to blacks as a target group (although this is declining) and to the employment issue area. Overall, the findings reveal the considerable flexibility and discretion in presidents' public communications in the civil rights realm.     

Human Rights Violations,Corruption, and the Policy of Repression

Quantitative cross‐national research on human rights violations and repression has made considerable progress in identifying and eliminating economic and political factors that influence the use of torture and killing by governments. Warfare tends to increase violations, democracy—notably full democracy—and trade tends to inhibit violations. Where motives have been considered, this research has generally assumed a strategic motivation for government use of repression. Repression is employed to counter threats from the opposition as represented by the presence of warfare. Less attention has been given to the effect of implementation on levels of repression. Theory suggests that agents are likely to make a substantial independent contribution to the level of repression, if given the opportunity. In this article we develop this argument and present cross‐country comparative evidence that suggests that agents’ opportunities for hidden action measured by perceived levels of financial corruption substantially influences the incidence of torture in a political system, after controlling for the strategic motive of governments and the other factors found influential in earlier research. We show that the results are robust and not sensitive to alternative modeling, measurement, and research‐design decisions.     

论不当得利请求权与其它民事请求权的竞合

不当得利请求权是债权请求权的重要组成部分。然而,这种请求权在我国的司法实践中却极少应用。为充分发挥不当得利请求权的功能,需理清不当得利请求权与物权请求权、合同请求权、无因管理请求权、侵权损害赔偿请求权的竞合关系。     

试析杜鲁门总统民权委员会的活动

为了回应“两难困境”的挑战,杜鲁门总统颁布行政命令,创立了总统民权委员会。委员会对美国的种族关系和民权问题进行了全面的调研和评估,向总统提交了《保障这些权利》的报告。报告体现了战后美国政府和人们对种族问题的反思,也是对解决种族问题的探索和尝试。报告的大量发行和人们的竞相阅读,对增进美国民众的种族正义观念产生了重要的影响。     

Pickets,Protests and Purses in the American Civil Rights Movement

At first glance, perhaps nothing seems more mundane and apolitical than a purse. But purses have always been much more than a fashion accessory. This article analyses how southern Black women – both the legendary and the lesser known – in the ‘classical’ phase of the Civil Rights Movement used purses to appear as respectable ladies' when their dress and comportment were under close surveillance. Yet they simultaneously used their purses as private, female-controlled spaces that aided them in achieving a wide variety of social, economic and political objectives. In fact, many southern Black women used their purses to hide critical items needed to prepare themselves and protect their bodies as they voted, sat-in, rode on public transportation and integrated schools. Using oral histories, memoirs, newspaper and magazine stories and photographs, this article argues that Black southern female activists used purses primarily as ‘toolkits’. In the process, it reveals that Black southern women's participation in the armed self-defence movement is far more significant than scholars have appreciated.     

“陈果仁案”与亚美民权运动

为深入研究1982年“陈果仁案”给亚裔民权斗争提供的借鉴和警示,通过对“陈果仁案”的剖析,对华人和亚裔群体努力为陈果仁争取司法公正的行动及其影响进行了阐述和探讨。底特律司法部门对此案凶手的轻判,促使底特律和全美的华人及其他亚裔群体,以美国公民伸张正义联合会为领导中心,掀起了为陈果仁争取司法公正的抗议和声援运动。“陈果仁案”是一起典型的反亚裔暴力案件,它在亚美民权运动进程中具有十分重要的意义。     

评美国的跨国市民社会运动与人权外交

跨国市民社会运动是美国人权外交的重要内容之一。20世纪80年代初,美国、英国、法国和德国等国曾与东欧各国和前苏联在70年代末成立的反对派一起,开展了跨国市民社会运动。这次运动,是促使东欧巨变和前苏联解体的重要原因之一。20世纪末,美国再次强调开展跨国市民社会运动的重要性。在跨国市民社会运动中,美国强调灌输普世人权观的重要意义,并利用经济全球化,使用强制性执行手段等方式来推行美国的人权标准。