Ancient injury recidivism: an example from the Kerma period of ancient Nubia

A topical trend in clinical research has been the study of repeat trauma, referred to by clinicians as “injury recidivism,” which lends itself to the assessment of accumulated injuries among ancient people. The present investigation examined the healed injuries among two archaeological skeletal samples from the Kerma period (ca. 2500–1500 BC) of Sudanese Nubia. Both groups were known to have a high prevalence of multiple trauma—80% of 54 adults from the rural sites (O16 and P37) located near Dongola and 42% of 212 adults from the urban site of Kerma sustained nonfatal injuries. It was observed that a higher frequency of multi‐injured adults displayed one or more violence‐associated injury (cranial trauma, parry fracture). When all injuries were considered 38% of individuals with violence‐related injuries had other traumatic lesions in contrast to 22% of individuals who experienced injuries associated with accidental falls (e.g., Colles', Smiths', Galeazzi, and paired forearm fractures), although this difference was not significant. When only the skulls and long bones were evaluated 81% of adults with multiple injuries to these major bones bore one or more violence‐related injuries, while 60% of adults with single injuries sustained violence‐related injuries. Most individuals with multiple injuries were male and less than 35 years of age; there was no significant difference in the frequency of violence‐ or accident‐related multiple injury between the rural and urban communities. Although it cannot be established whether or not some of an individual's injuries were experienced during simultaneous or independent incidents, the pattern of multiple injury among these two ancient Nubian skeletal samples reflected the profile of injury recidivism observed by modern clinicians cross‐culturally. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Temporal trends in violence during the Mississippian period in the Middle Cumberland Region of Tennessee

This study utilizes a biocultural approach to investigate skeletal evidence for violence among Mississippian communities in the Middle Cumberland Region (MCR) of Tennessee. Bioarchaeological evidence for violence is placed within the local environmental and cultural context in order to better understand temporal trends in regional conflict. Bioarchaeological analyses were conducted on the crania of 599 adult individuals from 13 sites in the MCR. Approximately 7.2 percent of the sample (43/599) showed evidence of violent cranial injuries in the form of scalping, sharp force trauma, and blunt force trauma. While overall trauma frequencies appear to increase during the later Mississippian period, this may reflect a shift in the nature of violence, rather than simply an intensification of intergroup conflict. More fine-grained temporal comparisons are made for samples from the late Mississippian Averbuch site. The variability in the frequencies and types of violence observed within the MCR demonstrates the issues inherent in the reliance on broad generalizations about human behavior in the past and highlights the importance of utilizing both a regional and diachronic approach.     

Limits to interpretation of skeletal trauma — Two case studies from Medieval Abingdon,England

Two adult male skeletons from the Medieval lay cemetery at Abingdon show multiple trauma to the upper limbs and torso. Although this in itself is not uncommon in this cemetery the two skeletons in question stand out by virtue of the near-identical distribution of their injuries. The skeletons are used as examples to discuss the difficulties facing the palaeopathologist in deciding whether to attribute particular examples of trauma to violence. This is particularly relevant to Abingdon, where at least one major episode of civil conflict is documented historically. It was concluded that although the number of skeletons displaying signs of trauma may show the level of violence and high-risk occupations in a society, skeletal evidence rarely can distinguish between the two in individual cases.     

Consequences of conquest? The analysis and interpretation of subadult trauma at Puruchuco-Huaquerones, Peru

This paper examines bioarchaeological evidence of violence and traumatic injury on subadult skeletal remains from two Late Horizon (A.D. 1470-1540) cemeteries within the archaeological zone of Puruchuco-Huaquerones, Peru. Here we present the frequency and types of traumatic lesions on the 242 subadults analyzed. We observed significant increases in the frequency of subadult trauma, particularly among the burials associated with Spanish Conquest. Specifically, we noted a statistically significant increase in the frequency of cranial trauma in a subsample of individuals from one of two cemeteries at the site, 57AS03. These perimortem cranial injuries suggest an intensification of violence and lethality that may have affected the children from this community. We then discuss the biocultural implications of this analysis within the context of Spanish invasion and conquest.     

The warriors of the steppes: osteological evidence of warfare and violence from Pazyryk tumuli in the Mongolian Altai

Skeletal remains of Pazyryk warriors unearthed in a recent archaeological excavation in the Mongolian Altai offer a unique opportunity for verifying ancient histories of warfare and violence given by Herodotus in the fifth century BC. The Pazyryks were Iron Age nomadic groups associated with the eastern Scythians and known from burial site discoveries on the high steppes of the Altai (Central Asia). The aim of this paper is to analyze the evidence for bone trauma provided by the skeletal remains of these Pazyryk warriors with a particular focus on violence-related injuries. The sample consists of 10 individuals, comprising seven adult males, one adult female and two children. Seven individuals exhibited a total of 14 traumatic injuries. Six of these injuries (43%) showed evidence of bone remodelling and eight injuries (57%) were morphologically compatible with a perimortem origin. Twelve injuries (86%) were related to interpersonal violence, most likely caused by weapons similar to those found in Pazyryk tombs (battle-axes, daggers and arrowheads). Five individuals, including the female and one child, exhibited evidence of violent death. Furthermore, one individual also exhibited evidence of scalping. Despite the small number of Pazyryk skeletons analyzed, the pattern of traumatic injuries observed appears to be in agreement with that documented in conflicts related to raids or surprise attacks, and not a result of routinized or ritualized violence. These findings contribute new data to osteological evidence from Scythian burial sites.     

Trauma to the Skull: A Historical Perspective from the Southern Levant (4300BCE–1917CE)

Background: Although the southern Levant is commonly perceived as having been a violent region throughout history, few studies have explored the pattern and intensity of skull trauma through time in the general population. The aim of this study is to follow changes in traumatic injury patterns in the southern Levant, over an extensive period of 6,000 years. Methods: 783 archaeological skulls from the Tel Aviv University osteological collection were examined for evidence of trauma. The specimens were divided into three periods: Chalcolithic‐Bronze‐Iron Age (4300–520 BCE), Hellenistic‐Roman‐Byzantine Period (332 BCE‐640 CE), and Early and Late Arab Period (640–1917 CE). The characteristics of injury on each skull were recorded. Results: A high frequency (25%) of traumatic lesions to the skull was evident among historic populations of the southern Levant, a rate that did not fluctuate significantly over 6,000 years. The most common pattern of trauma was minor circular depressed injuries. Most of the injuries were located on the parietal or frontal bones. Traumatic lesions were more frequent in males than in females, and in mature individuals than in adolescents and children, during all periods. Conclusions: The rate of trauma in the southern Levantine populations was shown to be considerably higher than in other archaeological populations worldwide. The fact that no significant differences in trauma rates were found over time implies that socio‐economical shifts (from agrarian to urban populations) had little impact on the local populations’ aggressive behavior. In contrast, changes in type of injury, from blunt force trauma to sharp force trauma and eventually projectile trauma, reflects changes in weaponry over time. The accumulated characteristics of cranial trauma pattern (type, location, side, size, sex, age) suggest that most of the individuals studied were not engaged directly in warfare. Rather, most injuries seem to be due to blows given during interpersonal violent encounters. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Comparative Study of Perimortem Weapon Trauma in Two Early Medieval Skeletal Populations (AD 400–1200) from Ireland

Violence was a reality of life in early medieval Ireland (AD 400–1200). Its omnipresence is indicated from numerous narratives of regicide, mortal conflicts, battles and warfare that survive in ancient myths, legends and annalistic accounts. The archaeological evidence of violence and conflict is mainly identified in the osteoarchaeological record, and approximately 13% of all skeletal populations from excavated early medieval cemeteries in Ireland have shown evidence of weapon trauma. This study considers the osteological representation of violent deaths in two contemporaneous Irish skeletal populations dating to this period: Mount Gamble in County Dublin and Owenbristy in County Galway. This analysis involves assessing the different anatomical regions of the body for evidence of lesions that can be attributed to weapon trauma. The results indicate that these populations are likely to have been exposed to violence under differing circumstances; the evidence suggests that the individuals from Mount Gamble may have been well equipped or skilled at interpersonal battle, in contrast to the majority of individuals from Owenbristy who may have been unprotected and unprepared. The presence of two adolescents and two adult females amongst the victims from the latter population gives insight into a wider social dimension of weapon trauma in early medieval Ireland. There is also evidence of postmortem mutilations and decapitations, which reflect ritualistic aspects of violence. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Skeletal trauma in the burials from the royal church of St. Mary in medieval Oslo

The considerable collection of skeletal remains from the royal Church of St. Mary (c.1050–1540 AD) in Oslo constitutes part of The Schreiner Collection at the Department of Anatomy, University of Oslo. The remains reveal a high incidence of skeletal trauma, especially injuries caused by sharp‐edged weapons and extensive violence. Evidence of sharp force trauma was primarily observed on the crania. There were a surprisingly few injuries on postcranial skeletal elements. The injuries were mostly observed on middle‐aged and older men, but also on women and subadults. Some of these injuries may be linked to the civil wars in Norway during the 12th and 13th centuries. In most cases, the trauma distribution pattern suggests standardized fighting techniques. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Degrading the Male Body: Manhood and Conflict in the High‐medieval Low Countries

Recent studies of medieval manhood have prompted scholars to revisit the established research field of medieval conflict and have directed attention towards the role of gendered violence in (elite) political culture. However, symbolic impermanent defamations of the male body proper remain to be discussed. Drawing from the rich narrative sources from the high‐medieval Low Countries, this article aims in particular at remedying this blind spot by scrutinising specific forms of gendered violence, such as the enforced shearing of an elite man's beard or a public mocking of his chivalric manly fortitude. It also presents the argument that these practices, when used in contexts of conflict and punishment, not only tapped into the authority of ancient traditions and rituals but rather might have served clear contemporary interests relating to the pacification of society. Such tactics would have helped to avoid feud in a world in which aristocratic manly honour regularly seemed to demand it, especially in a time when centralised and consolidated structures for conflict management were still lacking and a religiously inspired peace ideal influenced policy‐making as well as day‐to‐day social dynamics.     

The aftermath of an election crisis: Kenyan attitudes and the influence of individual-level and locality violence

How does violent conflict affect social and political attitudes? To answer this question I pair Kenyan survey and violence data for the time period following the country's December 27th 2007 national election. I find that respondents who personally experienced electoral violence are less likely to express certain forms of inter-personal and institutional trust than those individuals who did not. The association is not universally powerful, however. First, noteworthy differences emerge between populations who relocated as a result of post-election conflict and those who did not. Differences between these groups suggest that internal migration in the wake of tragedy influenced the Kenyan social landscape. In addition to personal exposure to electoral conflict, I test how local level violence may indirectly condition Kenyan political attitudes. Across all models, individual-level exposure to violence has the most consistent influence upon opinions, although district level effects emerge in analyses without survey respondent ethnicity controls. This finding suggests that living in a setting of regional insecurity does not have as important an effect on certain political views as personal victimization.     

Analysis of ante mortem trauma in three modern skeletal populations

When archaeological skeletons are assessed, the prevalence (and patterns of bone involvement) of trauma is important. The number and pattern of fractures can be used to gain insight into the occurrence of interpersonal violence, workload and living conditions. However, the question remains as to how these results should be interpreted—such as what constitutes high or low levels of trauma? The aim of this study was to investigate the occurrence of trauma in a population of modern Greeks living in Crete, as well as South African (SA) whites and blacks in the Pretoria Bone and Raymond Dart collections. The sample comprised mostly of older individuals (n = 90–100 within a sex‐population group). Each skeleton was studied for healed trauma. For the vertebrae, only spondylolysis was assessed. In the Greek sample, it was found that 42% of the males and 46% of females had at least one fracture, with corresponding figures of 63 and 44% for SA whites and 83 and 69% for SA blacks. Radius, rib and femur fractures were most common in Greeks, with skull, radius and ribs most common in SA whites and skull, ulna and ribs in SA blacks. These prevalences of trauma are high, but the composition of the samples (mostly of lower socio‐economic origin) should be kept in mind. It may also be questioned whether these individuals reflect the society as a whole. It seems that the fractures in Greeks are mostly related to old age due to falls and accidents (radius and hip fractures), while the SA black sample reflects high prevalences of interpersonal violence (such as cranial vault and ulna fractures). The SA white sample follows a comparatively moderate pattern of trauma. These comparative figures may be useful when assessing trauma in other skeletal populations. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Neandertals,early modern humans,and rodeo riders

In 1995 Berger and Trinkaus (J. Archaeol. Sci. 22, 841–852) proposed that the anatomical distribution of Neandertal trauma, with a predominance of upper body lesions, reflected close-quarter ambush hunting as dictated by the available Middle Paleolithic weaponry (the “Rodeo rider” hypothesis). The necessity for mobility among these Late Pleistocene foragers, as a factor possibly reducing the number of preserved lower limb injuries, was considered as an alternative explanation. The accumulating data on Upper Paleolithic injuries and Middle Paleolithic weaponry, considerations of differential skeletal susceptibility of minor trauma, and evidence of interhuman violence, plus the importance of mobility for Late Pleistocene human existence, suggest that hunting injuries may explain only part of the pattern. The purpose of this note is not to resolve to ultimate factors behind the anatomical distribution of traumatic lesions among the Neandertals (or early modern humans). It is 1) to emphasize that there are multiple probable contributing factors other than close-quarter ambush hunting due to the limitations of Middle Paleolithic weaponry, and 2) to open the discussion to alternative interpretations.     

Childhood Cranial Trauma from a Late Roman and Merovingian Context from Michelet,Lisieux, France

The Michelet necropolis in Lisieux, France, dating to the late Roman and Merovingian period, comprises of a large number of well‐preserved subadult remains offering a unique opportunity to better understand childhood trauma in the past. The focus of this study was to determine the amount, type and mechanisms of trauma evidenced in subadults from the 4th–8th century AD, and explore potential circumstances surrounding the trauma. The remains of 109 subadults from the Michelet necropolis were examined for the presence of cranial and post‐cranial trauma. Three individuals exhibited perimortem trauma, one individual had an antemortem cranial injury, and no cases of post‐cranial trauma were identified. Cranial trauma affected 4.1% of children with observable cranial remains (N  = 4/97). The children affected were young (2–7 years old), making it unlikely that they would have participated in militaristic activities. Based on the location, morphology and mechanism of injury identified, it is likely that the perimortem injuries sustained by three children were not accidental. The presence of a number of cranial injuries from this site may be related to increased stress in the community related to the decline of the Roman Empire in Gaul, possible raiding barbarian groups during the 4th–5th centuries, or stresses related to the Gallic aristocracy solidifying political powers in northern Gaul during the 5th–7th centuries AD. The consideration and inclusion of childhood trauma in bioarchaeological analyses allows for a more detailed and in‐depth understanding of violence and childhood in the past. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

A possible massacre at Early Bronze Age Titriş Höyük,Anatolia

Trauma is among the most important sources of data providing information related to systematic violence, battles and massacres among ancient populations. In this study, a mass grave from Titriş Höyük in the Southeast Anatolia was examined in terms of cranial traumas. Skeletal remains of minimum 19 individuals were placed on a plaster basin as a secondary interment. The frequency of cranial trauma was 81.3% among 16 available adult crania. The fact that the perimortem traumas were observed on both sex groups and the presence of two children and an infant on the basin suggest the possibility of these individuals being subjected to an attack or a massacre. It has been determined that the frequency of traumas in the common burials increased more than twofold from Early‐Mid EBA (6.7%) to Late EBA (14.3%). While all of the injuries observed in Early‐Mid EBA were in the form of healed depressed trauma, penetrated traumas were also encountered in Late EBA. The increased frequency of cranial trauma with unusual interment on a plaster basin indicated that a social stress might have taken place in Titriş Höyük. It is concluded that the collapse of the Akkadian Empire, the deterioration of the trade‐based economy and resource stress might have been possible factors that played a role in the excessive violence, or a massacre in Titriş Höyük. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Trauma in the Crusader period city of Caesarea: a major port in the medieval eastern Mediterranean

Caesarea is the first fortified city to undergo palaeopathological analysis of its Crusader period inhabitants. This study of the 12th and 13th century population aims to determine the major types of trauma present, whether from weapon injuries or accidents. Since the Crusades were known for the significant number of battles and raids that took place, weapon injuries were expected to be common. Thirteen cases of trauma are described and a highly unexpected pattern has come to light. These cases do not include one single example of weapon‐related trauma. Every fracture is of a type expected from accidents or interpersonal violence without weapons. Possible explanations include the location of the city deep within Frankish territory and the robust city walls giving effective protection to the inhabitants, and also that the population were involved in activities that left them prone to accidents but not weapon injuries. The other important finding from this study was that the cases of lower limb long bone spiral fractures had healed in a near‐anatomical alignment. This is not what we would expect, as a proportion of these injuries would normally have been unstable and tend to heal poorly aligned. The good position could have resulted from surgeons' use of splints to immobilise the bones while they healed. This suggestion is supported by laws of the kingdom of Jerusalem, which stated that surgeons were to be punished if they allowed such fractures to heal at an angle. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Moral Panic and Cultural Mobilization: Responses to Transition,Crime and HIV/AIDS in KwaZulu‐Natal

This article discusses the micropolitics behind the murder of an ANC councillor in a KwaZulu‐Natal slum area in 1999, and the forms of violence which have continued in the aftermath of apartheid. The history of violence is traced back to struggles between the IFP and the ANC in the 1980s which interacted with differences in generational, moral and cultural outlook, as well as with conflicts between Zulu‐speaking residents and immigrants from the Transkei. Since apartheid was dismantled, similar patterns of conflict have persisted, but now within a local context in which one political party holds almost total sway. Post‐apartheid violence is related to rivalries around local state resources in a situation of continued poverty, and to moral and ideological disagreements which, since 1994, have been intensified by the HIV/AIDS epidemic as well as by an escalation of local crime. Strategies for the moral rehabilitation of local society, such as virginity testing, are discussed, as is the controversy around them, rooted in oppositions between youth and elders, and between different cultural styles. Finally, the mismatch between the concentration of political power at municipal ward level and the diversity of positions expressed in local civil society is raised as a reason why disagreements have continued to involve violent conflict.     

A Bioarchaeological and Biogeochemical Study of Warfare and Mobility in Andahuaylas,Peru (ca. ad 1160–1260)

Warfare impacts how people and populations can move about the landscape. Ethnographers have posited that internal warfare, conflict that takes place within a single society, is strongly associated with female abduction. In contrast, external warfare, combat between different societies, is often accompanied by the in‐migration of men for purposes of defence. To test this assertion, we evaluate human remains from one of the most violent eras in Andean prehistory, the Late Intermediate Period (ad 1000–1400). In the south‐central highlands of Andahuaylas, Peru, this era witnessed the coalescence of two formidable polities, the Chanka and the Quichua. Ethnohistoric accounts describe internal warfare among the Chanka and external warfare between the Quichua and their neighbours. In this study, bioarchaeological and biogeochemical methods are marshalled to elucidate ancient patterns of violence and mobility with greater nuance. We employ strontium isotope analysis of tooth enamel apatite to inform on residential origin, and we reconstruct patterns of violent conflict through analysis of cranial trauma. In all, 265 crania were excavated from 17 cave ossuaries at two Chanka sites and one Quichua site. Data were collected on age, sex and cranial modification—an indicator of social identity and cranial trauma. A representative subsample of molars from 34 individuals subjected to strontium isotope analysis demonstrates that among the Chanka, violence was significantly directed towards social groups within society, marked by modified crania. The presence of two nonlocal women with signs of increased morbidity and mistreatment points to possible mobility‐by‐abduction. In contrast, among the Quichua, men have significantly more trauma, and wounds are concentrated on the anterior. Trauma on women is lower, nonlethal, and concentrated on the posterior. This divergent pattern is commonly observed in external warfare (raids and community defence), where men face attackers and women escape them. The presence of two nonlocal men supports a mobility model of strategic in‐migration. In sum, osteological and isotopic data sets are shown to reveal divergent life‐course experiences not captured by the archaeological data or historic records alone. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Possible cases of scalping from pre‐hispanic highland Peru

For years, the pre‐Hispanic Chachapoya of Northern Peru have been described as the ‘Warriors of the Clouds’. A more detailed look at newly excavated osteological samples from the highland site of Kuelap allows us to better examine the types of traumatic injuries among the Chachapoya. This paper describes an individual with evidence of a recent scalp removal including cut marks encircling the vault and a large area of active inflammatory response due to exposure of the outer table. The degree of osseous response and a small area of healing indicate short‐term survival. A second fragmentary skull demonstrates similar features but more advanced healing. The location and patterning of the cut marks are consistent with North American Indian pre‐historic and historic cases of scalping. The skulls of these two individuals provide the first osteological evidence of scalp removal from a pre‐Hispanic South American Andean context, although it is difficult to determine the motivation whether for therapeutic treatment or trophy taking. These cases, along with other evidence of interpersonal violence and cranial trauma, serve to elucidate the possible volatile nature of cultural contact between this region and lowland Amazonian tribes, where scalps and trophy heads were commonly taken in raids. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Craniofacial trauma in the Prehispanic Canary Islands

The current project is a study of craniofacial trauma in a large sample (n = 896) of Prehispanic Canary Islanders (PCIs). The possible causes and social implications of the trauma found are considered, with reference to archaeological and historical data. Variables include the island, period and ecology, the sex and age of the individuals, the distribution of lesions across the skull (by side and by individual bone) and ante‐mortem tooth loss. The results show a fairly high trauma rate (16%), a low prevalence of peri‐mortem trauma (3.8% of all lesions), higher prevalence of trauma in males than in females (25% vs. 13% of all individuals), more cranial than facial lesions (8.9% vs. 3.5% of all elements) and more lesions on the left side of the skull (6.7% vs. 4.5% of all elements) which suggests that the lesions were sustained through intentional rather than accidental agency. There was no correspondence between trauma prevalence and ecology. The archaeological and historical data support the assertion that the lesions may be the result of skirmishing between groups, using weapons such as slingshots, stones and staves. The presence of edged‐weapon lesions on some individuals suggests that these may have been the victims of contact‐period European groups. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Trauma and amputations in 19th century miners from Kimberley,South Africa

Trauma is the result of violent accidental or therapeutic events that cause physical or psychological injury. The frequencies and types of trauma within a population can give important information regarding their lifestyle as well as the quantity and quality of medical care available to them. The purpose of this study was to assess the incidence of trauma in the Gladstone sample population with regards to the presence of interpersonal violence a hazardous working environment strenuous working requirements and the availability of medical care. The individuals studied here were diamond miners from Kimberley dating to the late 19th century. A total of 107 well‐preserved skeletons were excavated from unmarked graves after accidental discovery. This sample included 86 males 15 females and 6 individuals of unknown sex. The majority of individuals (71%) were between 19 and 45 years of age. The remains were most likely those of migrant mine workers of low socioeconomic status who had passed away at the local hospitals. All bones were visually assessed for macroscopic indications of traumatic bone alterations and compared to standard palaeopathological texts and photographs. A total of 27% (n = 28) of the individuals in the sample presented with well‐healed healing or perimortem fractures. Fractures to the skull encompassed 49% (n = 20) of all the fractures that were observed. A total of six (6%) amputations were noted. Spondylolysis was observed in 7% (n = 7) of the individuals within the sample and longstanding subluxation was noted in two individuals. The high incidences of cranial fractures within this population are suggestive of high levels of interpersonal violence while long bone fractures spondylolysis and evidence of longstanding subluxations are indicative of the strenuous work requirements and the high‐risk environment to which these individuals were exposed. When considering the presence of well‐reduced fractures and healed amputations it seems that adequate medical care was available to at least some members of this community. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. This article was published online on 17 February 2009. An error was subsequently identified. This notice is included in the online and print versions to indicate that both have been corrected 3 November 2009.