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The seizure and subsequent occupation of Orléans by theHuguenot forces in 1562–1563 and 1567–1568 was accompaniedby iconoclastic outbursts and the destruction of the religiouslandscape, which culminated in the demolition of the centraltower of the cathedral. This article examines the ways in whichthe religious and civic authorities reacted to this destructionand their attempts not only to bring about a renewal of thesacred landscape of the city but also to assert the importanceof Catholicism within that landscape. This was achieved againstthe background of the ongoing religious conflicts which wrackedFrance during the second half of the sixteenth century. Thearticle looks at how this was achieved not only through thereconstruction of the city's religious buildings but also throughthe use of religious rituals and sacred relics. Furthermore,a figure from the city's past, Jeanne dArc developedas a local cult symbolizing the triumph of Catholicism overthe Huguenots. 相似文献
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A recent article in this Journal suggested that assumptions about the legislative influence of the Australian Senate may overstate its de facto power. Stanley Bach indicated that compromise with the Senate was relatively rare, and pointed out that most successful Senate amendments were government amendments. This paper provides an alternative view. We suggest that legislative influence is more subtle than Bach acknowledged, and that it is necessary to dig deeper in the data to fully understand the Senate's role. We therefore supplement his analysis in two ways: (1) through tracking the ultimate outcome of government defeats in the Senate; and (2) through analysis of two case study bills. We find that in confrontations with government the Senate ‘wins’ the great majority of the time. This shapes government behaviour in the chamber, such that many government amendments actually respond to non-government concerns. The most important element of Senate influence is therefore ‘soft power’– exercised through negotiation – backed up only in extremis by the ‘hard power’ of government defeat. This holds important lessons for the study of legislative influence more broadly, as well as demonstrating the true power of the Australian Senate. 相似文献
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Names can act as daily reminders of a colonial presence. To unsettle Settler origin stories, we strive to reveal the legacy of (dis)possession rooted in naming. As case studies, we consider the attribution of the name Salish Sea, the naming of the Straits of Juan de Fuca and Georgia, and the delineation of national boundaries during the San Juan Water Boundary Dispute. We use these examples to demonstrate the unsettling potential of (re)naming practices. To conclude, we suggest further areas for praxis and research that are situated in a broader context of naming practices. 相似文献
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《Political Geography》2007,26(7):757-774
Although the concept of diaspora is sometimes regarded as oppositional to the interests of existing political regimes, we argue that it can become a site where the negotiation of new terms of membership embraces the transnational and de-territorialized networks of overseas populations. Drawing on work on transnational governance, we explore the uneven geographies that accompany India's recent discussions of its dual citizenship provisions. Constructions of diaspora membership are revealed by mapping the discourses contained within the Dual Citizenship legislation of 2003, the 2003 Pravasi Bharatiya Divas (Overseas India Day) campaign, and the 2001 report of the Diaspora Committee onto the case of South Africa. The results suggest that the construction of diaspora membership focuses on professional success, ecumenical Hinduism, and multicultural incorporation. We also trace how diaspora membership betrays a continuing anxiety over the terms of Indianness. The results remind us that diasporic times and spaces mediate transnational governance. 相似文献
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Steven Tufts 《对极》1998,30(3):227-250
The extensive restructuring of industrialized economies continues to challenge workers and their unions in the 1990s. Labor unions are trying to remain viable institutions in the face of globalization of economic production, deindustrialization, and technological change. These processes have increasingly challenged workers in traditionally highly unionized sectors of the economy such as manufacturing and resource extraction industries. At the same time, unions have failed to organize large numbers of workers, often young and female, in geographically fragmented workplaces in expanding sectors of the economy such as consumer services and subcontracted goods production. There has been a call for new "spatialized strategies" allowing unions to access these new sectors and spaces and to produce scales of organization compatible with post-industrial capital. One strategy being adopted by the labor movement is coalition building with non-labor community interest groups with common goals in order to shape geographies of production. The experience of two Canadian unions with "community unionism" is discussed as an example of a spatialized strategy still in early development. 相似文献
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Hans-Peter Söder 《European Legacy》2009,14(2):177-185
The existentialist philosopher Karl Jaspers is the father of a discourse on the spiritual consequences of the Holocaust. First addressed as the Schuldfrage (the question of guilt) by Jaspers immediately after the Second World War in his famous Heidelberg lecture, it has reappeared in various forms in German life and letters. Post-unification Germany has witnessed the valorization of the German experience of the Second World War. This ongoing re-evaluation has its antecedents in the generational literature of the 1970s and 1980s. Whereas the Vaterliteratur of the 1970s (by authors such as Christoph Meckel, Uwe Timm, and Peter Henisch) was often embedded in a left-wing critique of the establishment, recent contributions to this growing genre (by Marcel Beyer, Stephan Wackwitz, Wibke Bruhns, and Ulla Hahn among others) speak to the issue of collective identity and transgenerational family trauma outside distinct left- and right-wing interpretations of National Socialism. The current writings on the life during the Third Reich (filtered through the experiences of discrete generations) are a confluence of historical writing, memorial literature, biography, and fiction. They are closely related to the discussions that W. G. Sebald initiated in his 1997 lecture series on the silence of German postwar literature with respect to German suffering. The subsequent debate on how to bring closure to this “German suffering” was intensified by Günter Grass's widening of the concept of German victimization beyond the air war controversy in his book Crabwalk (2002). As Grass distinguishes clearly between the various post-World War II generations (and their different perspectives on historical events), the question becomes whether these recent writings will bring about a final so-called “zero hour” in German postwar history. 相似文献
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19世纪与20世纪之交的日本亚洲主义 总被引:10,自引:0,他引:10
19世纪与 2 0世纪之交 ,日本出现过“亚洲主义” (亦称“大亚细亚主义”)思潮 ,这一思潮早期表现为抵御列强的“亚洲同盟论”与“中日连携”思想 ;以后演绎出文化亚洲观 ;最后则异变为与“大陆政策”相连的侵略主义理论。 相似文献
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Marion Leonard 《Social & Cultural Geography》2013,14(4):515-529
This article will examine how British-born second- and third-generation Irish people use Irish music and dance in the production of an Irish cultural identity. The article draws on research undertaken with members of the Irish communities in the English cities of Coventry and Liverpool. The research was conducted with music and dance practitioners in Liverpool who strongly identify as Irish and also with schoolchildren in Coventry whose parents or grandparents were born in Ireland. The paper first explores the comments of the Liverpool respondents and points to how music and dance can offer a space in which different generations can mark out their affiliation or embody their Irishness. Secondly, the paper considers interview work with schoolchildren in Coventry, concentrating on their responses as listeners to Irish traditional music. Their comments point to the capacity of this music to resonate with multiple, even conflicting, productions of Irishness. The comments of all the respondents raise key debates about authenticity and the construction of identity. 相似文献
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19世纪后期美国城市的迅猛发展和城市政治体制的缺陷造成城市社会形势的严重恶化和腐败行为的泛滥,从而引发了城市政治改革运动的兴起。改革家虽然都出身于中上层阶级,但改革的方向有多种,改革的支持也复杂多样。总体来说,城市政治改革的进行实现了城市政治体制的重大发展,增强了城市政府治理城市的能力,政治腐败也得到一定程度的遏制。 相似文献
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Sandra Pannell 《Oceania; a journal devoted to the study of the native peoples of Australia, New Guinea, and the Islands of the Pacific》1994,65(1):18-39
In this paper I extend upon the categories of appropriation identified by Beings, land and people. Using the work of Nancy Munn (1984) and Annette Weiner (1992), I argue that the relationship between objects, place, Beings and people is of a consubstantial and inalienable nature. Following on from this argument, I propose that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander rights and interests in land or waters, as defined by the recent Native Title legislation, cannot be alienated from rights and interests in other cultural possessions. These other cultural forms include tjurunga, as well as songs, ceremonies and paintings. As this suggests, in the post-Mabo landscape museums represent important collecting sites for indigenous people; a somewhat different identity to the former status of museums as sites of indigenous collections. 相似文献
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