共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
2.
新疆的地缘政治与国家安全--历史与现状的考察 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
潘志平 《中国边疆史地研究》2003,13(3):57-67
本文认为古代新疆西部境外没有出现过能向中国王朝挑战的敌对势力 ;民国时期 ,新疆地缘政治形势危机可用“孤悬塞外”来概括 ;新中国成立后的 30多年间 ,新疆的地缘政治经历了“友好的后院”到“反修前线”的变化 ;冷战结束后 ,新疆地缘政治的新威胁是民族分裂、宗教极端和国际恐怖“三个主义” ;“9·11”事件后 ,克什米尔问题、“后塔利班”问题、“前线”国家的动向、“三个主义”合流问题和美军进驻中亚问题 ,是新疆地缘政治的最严重的问题。新疆的地缘政治愈来愈事关国家安全大局 ,愈来愈受到国际大环境的影响 ,其进程愈来愈复杂多变 相似文献
3.
4.
The article is an exploration of urban imaginaries emerging through a play with materials. Starting from a complex activist exercise for reimagining the space of a park in decay, whose protagonists are children, we propose a reflection on the productivity and resilience of matter. We argue that a new materialist sociology is one that takes disappearances seriously. Capitalism renders space abstract not only through flow and circulation, but also through stillness. We follow the curious disappearances and reappearances of the park in question, tracing the mutations of urban planning, of the juridical domain and of the everyday use of space. Finally, we analyse the making of a maquette of the park by a group of children and their alliances with activists. The maquette is a political ‘thing': it leads us away from an urban imaginary populated by discrete objects to an urban imaginary of depth and it reconcretises space. 相似文献
5.
杨恕 《中国边疆史地研究》2003,13(3):68-72
一个多世纪以来 ,中亚的地缘政治格局和作用不断发生变化 ,并在不同时期以不同的方式影响着中国。“9·11”事件之后 ,中亚的地缘政治形势变得更加复杂 ,大国的、区域的、国际的利益交织在一起 ,成为全球关注的热点。阿富汗反恐战争的结束为中亚国家提供了国际合作的新通道 ,尽管中亚在国际地缘政治格局中的作用将越来越重要 ,但它不会成为新的地缘政治“核心地区”。 相似文献
6.
Peter Whitridge 《Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory》2004,11(2):213-250
Although the dichotomization of space and place has spawned a lively archaeological discussion, it threatens to devolve into a troublesome binary like sex/gender. Local place-making and universalizing spatial science are not so neatly segregated. Rather than dividing and bounding the notion of an investment of locations with meaning, it can be extended to describe the intricate topologies of bodies and things, as well as landscapes. Places emerge as sites of the hybrid articulation of representations, practices, and things, as spatialized imaginaries. The notion of imaginaries and the rethinking of place are illustrated with Inuit archaeological and ethnographic examples. 相似文献
7.
In this article, Grove and Adey's (2015) call to capture the multiplicities of resilience through aesthetics is advanced by engaging with the first two seasons of the television series Breaking Bad. This engagement demonstrates that the relationality of geopolitics and mobility is important for resilience. To capture dynamics generated by the interplay of geopolitical contexts and resilient subjectivities through popular geopolitics, Jacques Rancière's aesthetics and the concept of the aesthetic subject are deployed. The emergence of homo resilio as a political subject within an imagined American heartland is presented to contextualise the aesthetic reading of Breaking Bad that follows. The character Walter White is presented as a paradigmatic example of homo resilio to map the geopolitics of this subject position. The paper concludes that race and gender feature at the intersections of homo resilio, geopolitics, and cultural criticism, reiterating the importance of popular geopolitics for capturing the multiplicities of resilience. 相似文献
8.
Susan Talburt Claudia Matus 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2014,21(6):785-801
Mediating between queer theory's privileging of time as actor and geographic emphases on material spaces and identities, this article engages feminist geographies and the work of Deleuze and Guattari to understand the implications of time and space as imagined, or actors' spatiotemporal imaginaries. We draw on Massumi's metaphor of the ‘grid,’ which sediments ways of seeing self and other and logics for action and interaction. The grid incites imaginaries of time as active and space as passive, which evoke past, present, and future, offering coordinates for locating identities. Focusing on spatiotemporality, we conduct a discourse analysis of interviews with two Chilean lesbian-feminist activists, focusing on (1) overtly spatial and temporal dimensions (nation, region, history), (2) the constitution of lesbian space and identity (identity, visibility, consciousness, and community), and (3) oppositional entities that stabilize lesbian identity and space (men, gay men, feminists, universities, and queer). We demonstrate how the activists' imagining of Chile as a space with a linear history with a fixed past and present directs their actions to a particular future of pre-given positions. Nonetheless, we point to moments of disidentificatory movement that returns analytic attention to process, creation, and the open potentiality of movement. The politics of spatiotemporal imaginaries offers activists, geographers, and queer theorists ways of narrating sexualized subjects and politics that are not repetitive of identitarian debates, history as necessary sequence, or spaces as material. 相似文献
9.
本文在简要回顾二战前西方地缘政治学发展历史的基础上,介绍了\"多极世界\"模式,地缘经济学,文明冲突论等战后及冷战后西方地缘政治理论发展过程中有代表性的学说。分析评价了它们产生的思想基础,历史背景及发展特征,并预测了今后西方地缘政治学的发展趋势与方向。 相似文献
10.
罂粟种植与人类文明相伴而生。随着世界交往的不断扩大以及地区性交往向全球性交往的转变,罂粟种植与鸦片的使用开始在全球范围内传播。阿富汗出现鸦片最早可以追溯到公元前1世纪,20世纪70年代末至90年代初,阿富汗毒品问题产生,在此后20余年的内战中毒品问题进一步发展,对阿富汗的政治、经济和社会诸层面产生了深刻的影响,并且对国际社会形成了巨大的压力和挑战。阿富汗现代化的挫折是毒品问题形成的根本原因,阿富汗独立不结盟地位的丧失是毒品问题形成的直接原因,适宜的气候条件则是毒品问题形成的必要条件。从历史发展的视角来考察,阿富汗毒品问题的解决将是一个长期的过程,并且只有在国际社会通力合作的情况下才能实现。 相似文献
11.
Enabling persistent presence? Performing the embodied geopolitics of the Unmanned Aerial Vehicle assemblage 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Alison J. Williams 《Political Geography》2011,30(7):381-390
Military Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) are being increasingly used to provide surveillance and attack capabilities within war zones. At the heart of much of the rhetoric about these aircraft is their supposed ability to enable persistent presence across the battlespace. They are also unique in that they actively distance the aircrew from the aircraft. This paper seeks to question whether this claim to persistent presence can be justified and considers the implications of the distancing of pilot from machine in this. In order to achieve this, the paper focuses upon conceptualising UAVs as assemblages, composed of both human and machine elements. It uses firsthand accounts from a Royal Air Force Reaper UAV aircrew as a basis to analyse the ways in which the deployment of these aircraft in Afghanistan is changing the ways that war is experienced by aerial combatants. It does this through the utilisation of a feminist, embodied geopolitics, refiguring it from a concern with victims of war to argue for its use to understand the micro-scale of how the humans within these UAV assemblages experience combat. This paper thus focuses upon the extent to which the Reaper UAV achieves a persistent presence through analysis of its supposed more-than-human loitering and vision abilities, and the limitations associated with the requirement for a human-in-the loop. The paper contends that although UAVs like the Reaper change the geopolitics of combat, the continuing requirement for the human element of the assemblage restricts their ability to provide persistent presence. 相似文献
12.
Understanding the complex shifting geopolitics of the Mekong at a time when many networked arrangements and economic flows are disrupting earlier forms of regulation must involve a multidimensional view of geopolitical practices across time and engagement with their representations. This commentary on Hirsch (2016) underscores the importance of the local struggles and people whose voice is often silenced. For a multidimensional view, it is particularly important to include voices that too easily become omissions. 相似文献
13.
14.
Observers tend to overlook the early neoliberalism that derived from the “Lippmann Colloquium” organised in Paris in 1938. Analysis of the discourse produced and books published at this founding moment shows that neoliberalism was then presented as a geopolitical doctrine aimed at redressing the spatial fragmentation of the world into States. The means to achieve this, according to this first neoliberalism, was by implementing what, in 1978, M. Foucault called “governmentality”: a multiscalar political system based on the submission of territories to the transnational discipline of a multilateral free division of labour. This thinking was very similar to the convictions of a number of political leaders who, from the 1940s onwards, were involved in creating a new international order uniting Western Europe and the United States, the foundations of which had many similarities with the principles of the first neoliberalism. 相似文献
15.
The ongoing international military withdrawal from Afghanistan has set the stage for energising the activities of Afghanistan's external stakeholders to re-evaluate their activities. The possible return of the Taliban in some form could compel Afghanistan's current external partners—Iran, India and Russia—to turn into limited spoilers. The absence of an international guarantor in Afghanistan from December 2014 is likely to encourage Pakistan—a greedy spoiler—to intensify its meddling as a means to reposition the Taliban—a total spoiler—at the helm of Afghan affairs. The combination of limited, greedy and total spoilers threatens to undermine security and state-building processes. 相似文献
16.
《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2012,66(2):155-168
The conflict in Afghanistan is arguably now ripe for a negotiated peace. The reintegration and demobilisation of insurgents has been attempted in Afghanistan before, with limited success. However, the current Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Program (APRP) commands a lot of political will and is much more holistic in its approach to long-term stability than previous programs have been. Afghans on the whole approve of the idea of reintegration and reconciliation, but do not necessarily believe it can be achieved. Their fears are well founded, but the failure of the APRP is not inevitable. 相似文献
17.
Land is intertwined with politics: both as a sine qua non for the territorial state, as well as a spatially limited natural resource through which geopolitical power and advantage are articulated and enacted. This remains the case, notwithstanding the emergence of global and planetary frameworks for land management towards collective environmental and developmental goals. Indeed, such frameworks contend with narratives and practices that not only treat land as a strategic national resource, but entangle it with the very ontology of statehood itself. This study examines such state-natures through the case of Russian agricultural land use. Analyzing governmental discourse from 2000 to 2020, it examines how in the extensive cultivation of agricultural land has come to be a hallmark of twenty-first century vertical and horizontal symbolic state-making: both as an instrumental means of enhancing the state's geopolitical power, as well as a means by which state is reified as environmentally sovereign and self-subsistent. So doing, the study complements a growing body of work in critical environmental geopolitics that has tended to eschew state-based analysis, or else leave the state underproblematized. As I argue, considering how the state is made natural, in turn helps to understand how nature is politically if not ontologically entangled in geopolitical thought and practice—in ways that attempts to act upon and indeed bring about wider-scale environmental subjects must contend. 相似文献
18.
The 1970s saw Chile and Peru, both headed by military dictators, come to the brink of war. In order to avoid such a war, the Chilean military in the far north engaged in techniques of ‘spectacle’ for two reasons: firstly, to convince citizens on both sides of the border that Chile had a strong military and would succeed in the event of a war with Peru, and secondly, to create the impression of ‘fraternity’ with Peru. To perform these spectacles, the Chilean military employed the geography of northern Chile in three spaces: the desert, the border, and the city. These spaces became stages where acts of military deception could be implemented with the Chileans using fake tanks, military ceremonies, and bogus parades to appear militarily strong. This extends current scholarship by arguing that multiple environments can be harnessed for their specific geographical qualities in order to stage a unified geopolitical spectacle. Previous geographical scholarship has focused on individual environments as military spaces and scholarship on spectacle has treated environments as a backdrop and not a central part of how the spectacle is enacted. Here I show that it was the precise natures of the border, the desert, and the city that were exploited for a multi-scaled, heterogeneous, and fractured form of spectacle. Through the orchestrated control of these three spaces that define the border region, a clear narrative of military strength matched with a desire for peaceful co-operation with Peru was created. 相似文献
19.
Kristian Olesen 《European Planning Studies》2017,25(6):978-993
The paper analyses how the spatial vision of the Loop City for the Øresund Region has played an important persuasive role in legitimizing and mobilizing local and national political support for a light rail link along the outer ring road in the Greater Copenhagen Area. The paper discusses the persuasive power of spatial concepts and supportive storylines in bringing transport infrastructure projects onto the national policy agenda. In conclusion, the paper calls for critical attention to the rationalities underpinning practices of persuasive storytelling in contemporary strategic spatial planning. 相似文献
20.
Andrew Lawler 《Archaeologies》2008,4(3):517-522
A critique of papers in the session on Archaeology and War.
Résumé Une critique d’articles concernant la session portant sur l’archéologie et la guerre.
Resumen Una crítica sobre los trabajos de la jornada sobre arqueología y guerra.相似文献