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1.
林荣贵 《中国边疆史地研究》2000,(1)
北宋与辽的边疆经略,主要面向它们辖区的外围地带。北宋长期致力于西北、西部至西南地区的军政管辖,针对这一地区各族治乱、向背问题采取了相应的军政对策和措施。辽朝对东北、北部至西北各族的治乱、向背问题所采取的相应对策和措施,历经一、二百年的艰苦经营,付出了巨大的代价。至于历来为世人瞩目的宋、辽围绕燕云地区展开争战一节,实际上属于两朝的关系领域,故不以一般边事论之。本文通过北宋与辽的边疆经略,揭示其边功业绩同我国统一多民族国家向前发展相关的一些问题。 相似文献
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The recent polymorphism of state intervention and attendant political geographies have been interpreted as a return of state capitalism. While commentators across the social sciences have offered competing characterizations of the new state capitalism, little attention has been dedicated to how narratives and geographical imaginaries of the new state capitalism operate as a form of geopolitical knowledge and practice. Drawing upon critical geopolitics, we make three main arguments. First, we examine the context of wider geopolitical and geo-economic shifts in which the social construction of the geo-category has happened. We contend that the emerging new spatiality of the global economy has prompted the need for new discursive frames and geopolitical lines of reasoning. Second, we argue that this need is fulfilled by the geo-category state capitalism, which acts as a powerful tool in categorizing and hierarchizing the spaces of world politics. It does so by reinstituting a simple narrative of competition between two easily identifiable protagonists – (Western) democratic free-market capitalism and its deviant ‘other’, (Eastern) authoritarian state capitalism – and by reactivating older geopolitical grand narratives. Third, the geo-category state capitalism discursively enables Western business and state actors to justify tougher policy stances in three areas: foreign policy; trade, technology, and investment regulation; and international development. 相似文献
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宋代的财政督理型准政区及其行政组织 总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2
余蔚 《中国历史地理论丛》2005,20(3):39-50
宋代存在着各种准政区。其中对于国家政治生活影响最大的,是以发运使、总领、提举茶马、提点坑冶所管辖的财政督理型准政区。以发运使等为长官的准行政组织,受中央政府委托,在各自辖区内履行财政职能,并且围绕各自的职能,直接或间接地参与地方行政事务。它们对本政区内的州、县,甚至路一级的官员存在着事实上的上、下级关系,使中央政府对地方行政事务的监察与管理进一步加强;但是它们的权力扩张受到中央政府的抑制,最终未能成为正式的行政组织,使宋代地方行政体系运作迟缓的发展趋势受到一定程度的遏制。 相似文献
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While Pakistan is in many ways an ideal location for transnational terrorist groups due to state weakness, Islamic State has had difficulty making headway in the country. In this article, the authors argue that Islamic State’s failures in Pakistan are due to competition from other groups. Drawing on the terrorist competition literature and interviews with Pakistani counterterrorism officials, the authors find that the presence of other groups in Pakistan meant there was little demand for what Islamic State offered. Islamic State relied on splinter groups and defectors for recruitment, which alienated mainstream groups and harmed the group’s capacity. Islamic State’s competition problems were exacerbated by its internationalist ideology, which was at odds with that of many groups in Pakistan, and allowed opposing groups to present themselves as reasonable alternatives to other actors. Despite Islamic State’s lack of success, it and its allies have still engaged in extreme violence in Pakistan as a result of attempts to outbid other groups. This article has implications for fighting terrorism in Pakistan and more generally. 相似文献
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现代官等级制有“品位分类’’和“职位分类”两种类型,前以官员的个人品级为中心,后则以职位所系权力责任为中心。作由此引申出了“品位分等”、“职位分等”概念,并通过秦汉禄秩等级和唐代武散阶的区别,说明了“品位一职位’’概念在传统官阶制研究中的分析价值;进而把它们与官僚“自利取向”、“服务取向”概念结合起来,从而为中国古代官僚等级制研究提供了一个新视角。 相似文献
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行政效率研究会与抗战前的行政效率运动 总被引:5,自引:1,他引:5
隶属于南京国民政府行政院的行政效率研究会是以研究中国行政问题以及如何提高政府行政效率为宗旨的政府机构 ,抗战前的行政效率运动既是它产生的主要背景 ,也得益于它的影响与推动。行政效率研究会的行政研究对抗战前南京国民政府的行政改革起到了一定的作用 ,也促进了行政研究在中国的发展。 相似文献
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LAURENCE J.C. MA YEHUA WEI 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》1997,88(3):211-225
Generalizations of regional development in socialist countries based on detailed case studies of important elements of production in different countries are needed. This study focuses on one important force that affects China's regional development: state investment in basic construction. With the exception of the Third Front period (1965-71), the more developed eastern region always enjoyed a greater proportion of state investment than the central and western regions. Three major factors affected the temporal patterns of regional distribution of state investment in China: the ideological concern for spatial equality, defense considerations arising from perceived international threats, and die practical needs of die national economy. These factors exerted different influence on die investment patterns at different times. Whereas spatial equality and economic pragmatism were major concerns during the First Five-Year Plan (1953-57), national defense greatly affected the spatial patterns of state investment during the Third Front period, and these factors brought considerable state investment to die inland regions. Since die 1978 reforms, die concern for economic efficiency, not spatial equality in development or national security, has favored die coastal region. 相似文献
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Jonathan Chappell 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2016,44(4):533-550
This article discusses the rationale behind British intervention in the Taiping civil war in China and the episode’s wider significance for understanding nineteenth-century British imperial expansion. I argue that the most productive way to understand the shape of the limited British intervention in the war is through analysing the relative strength of distinct bridgeheads of British interest in China. British interests in Shanghai grew rapidly in the Taiping period and helped to draw in intervention against the Taiping armies when they attacked the port in 1860 and 1862. The strict limitation of this intervention, which did not result in any imperial expansion in China, was a result of the consistent underperformance of the wider British trade with China. Without a growth in this trade, the expense of an extensive intervention and its potential consequences could not be justified. The episode suggests that analyses of local conditions and the strength of local ties to metropolitan resources are important for understanding the wider pattern of British imperial expansion. 相似文献
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One of the biggest challenges for the East Asian region today is the Sino-Japanese relationship. Starting with the fishing trawler incident in September 2010, followed by Japan's nationalisation of the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, this relationship is experiencing an escalation of tensions in most, if not all, areas of the bilateral relationship. In response to the intensifying competition, China and Japan have elevated the importance of South-East Asia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in their foreign policy strategies. Focusing on how elites from five South-East Asian states—Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Vietnam—perceive the engagement of China and Japan with the region, this article poses two questions: (1) How do South-East Asian elites view the Sino-Japanese competition? and (2) How do South-East Asian elites view the role of ASEAN in managing the competition? The analysis here concludes that while some South-East Asian elites see opportunities in the Sino-Japanese competition, they nevertheless do not perceive it as an issue of critical significance. Instead, the concern lies generally with major-power dynamics, and particularly with Sino-US relations. ASEAN is viewed to lack the ability to manage the negative consequences of the Sino-Japanese competition, although its external balancing function has perceptibly helped to restrain any escalation of major-power tensions. 相似文献
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Kylie E. Quave R. Alan Covey Karen X. Durand Cáceres 《Journal of Field Archaeology》2018,43(4):332-343
In the highland Andes during the centuries leading to Inca imperial expansion (ca. a.d. 1400–1530s), the people of the Cuzco Basin established alliances and rivalries with diverse neighbors living across the Cuzco region. Among the most powerful of those groups was a polity centered at Yunkaray (occupied ca. a.d. 1050–1450) on the Maras Plain just northwest of the burgeoning city of Cuzco. Recent settlement survey and excavations in and around Yunkaray have identified the site as the principal settlement of the Ayarmaca group, which remained outside the sphere of Inca cultural influence despite its proximity to Cuzco. The distinctive nature of Yunkaray’s interaction with the Incas is examined here through household excavations, which indicate that the large village was occupied by a population presenting modest status distinctions and relying on locally derived sources of social identity. 相似文献
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依法执政的科学命题,要求我们必须深刻把握其科学内涵和深层意蕴。理解党依法执政的深层意蕴需从三个维度入手,它具体表现为执政理念的新境界、执政能力的新提升和执政方式的新跨越三个层面。 相似文献
12.
楚国设置巴郡考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
杨光华 《中国历史地理论丛》2007,22(4):100-109
战国中期,巴国除保有嘉陵江上游阆中一带外,其大部分国土被楚国陆续占领,包括涪江下游、渠江流域、泸州以东的长江流域、乌江流域。楚国对占领地区,采取了多种管理方式,如封巴人的首领为王侯,派"监"监管;封楚王宗族到一些地方,取代原方国部族首领;设置郡,作为地方最高军政单位。就行政区划而言,除将占领地区的东、南部分划归黔中、巫郡管理外,楚国还设立巴郡管理其余广大占领地区。楚国设置巴郡,早于秦国设置巴郡。 相似文献
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徐成 《中国历史地理论丛》2012,27(3):70-78
汉末动乱,朝廷重设四征、镇等将军以统辖一方军事,并重置都督以督管诸军。曹氏执政,为统一事权,督军渐向都督诸州军事发展,并与四征、镇将军之辖区形成二级军区制。及曹魏中后期,司马氏执政,鉴于四征、镇将军事权过大,且与都督事权不一,乃分割诸征、镇将军辖区,令四征、镇并置,并另置四安、平将军及诸杂号将军分辖各区。这使得四征、镇等将军辖区渐渐向都督区靠拢。将军号的滥置使得其位阶性日强,事权性日弱。在晋代魏禅时,都督最终正式取代了四征、镇等将军,成为地方最高军事长官,而都督区制度也就此趋于定型。 相似文献
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社区分化-整合运动一般规律探讨 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
社区是社会的子系统,其运动发展极其复杂。本文借助系统理论中描述系统运动发展的一对概念-分化与整合建立起社区分化和社区整合概念,并通过从社会层面、区域层面、空间连续分布的相邻社区层面分析影响社区分化一整合的外部因素和社区分化一整合的基本内容及其相互关系,探讨社区运动发展的一般规律,最后结合我国社区发展的实际概况论述了社区分化一整合运动规律在我国的特殊表现。 相似文献
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执政方式是执政党在处理与国家、社会以及其它政党的关系时所采用的体制、机制、途径、方法和手段的总称。中国共产党的执政理念是“立党为公、执政为民”,而改进新时期党的执政方式,应从树立科学的执政理念与创新党的执政机制两个方面入手,进而实现党的科学执政、民主执政和依法执政。 相似文献
18.
Alan Tidwell 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2021,75(1):103-119
ABSTRACT Scholarship on paradiplomacy, or sub-national diplomacy, has often focused on economics, trade, cooperation and politics. The deepening of strategic competition between the People’s Republic of China and the United States has raised the stakes for sub-national diplomacy. While US-PRC strategic competition occurs primarily at the national level, the subnational level plays an important role in terms of creating opportunities for influence and advancing the strategic interests. In this article recent paradiplomacy in the Indo-Pacific is examined, as is the is the intersection of paradiplomacy with strategic competition. 相似文献
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利益表达是利益博弈的基础和利益实现的首要环节,也是执政党代表人民利益从事政治实践活动的必要步骤。对弱势群体利益表达的关照与维护,表征着党的利益代表功能发挥的程度与效果。弱势群体利益表达的现实困境,要求执政党不断完善其政治结构的利益表达功能,推动对良好利益表达环境的塑造,以引导弱势群体进行理性合法的利益表达。 相似文献
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吴良宝 《中国历史地理论丛》2006,21(3):144-151
《中国历史地图集》作为政区地理研究的集大成者,由于历代地理与政区的变化复杂、文献记载的缺漏与歧异等原因而使该书存在着一定的疏误。不断出土的战国文字资料,不仅可以提供各诸侯国疆域变迁的内容,还包含大量的县一级的地名资料,可以据此对《地图集》第一册“战国时期”所收录的地名资料进行补正。本文在纠正《地图集》的几处失误之外,还补充了120余个战国时期的县名,为研究战国至秦汉时期的地理沿革提供了重要资料。 相似文献