马志尼的政治思想

拿破仑被击败后,占胜国聚会于维也纳,并于1815年6月9日签署了维也纳和会最后文件。这一文件确定了对意大利半岛的政治划分。主要的意大利国家包括:撒丁王国、伦巴第一威尼托王国、托斯卡纳大公国、教皇国及西西里王国。 在维也纳会议期间,四王朝的君主制复辟得到了奥地利首相梅特涅的支持。他力图控制意大利半岛的政治进程,防止建立立宪式的自由制度。     

一部沉寂两个世纪的文艺复兴史研究拓荒之作——皮尼奥蒂《托斯卡纳史》评介

19世纪初的西方史学领域诞生了一部堪称文艺复兴史研究的拓荒之作,即意大利历史学家皮尼奥蒂的《托斯卡纳史》。"新雅典"概念是贯穿《托斯卡纳史》全书的灵魂,意在表明古希腊雅典是那个时代及往后西方文化发展的源流,而佛罗伦萨及托斯卡纳则接续这个源流,成为近代意大利学问复兴时代及近代西方文化史进程的中心。新雅典概念蕴含着皮尼奥蒂阐释意大利14世纪至16世纪文化历程的独特思路和学术亮点,它启示学人研究文艺复兴历史、文化的新途径。     

二战以来法兰西学院的中国学研究

二战以来法兰西学院的中国学研究（法）谢和耐我在本文中仅对法国最大的学术机构之一法兰西学院的汉学研究作一些介绍。不过，首先必须谈一下法兰西学院是一个什么样的机构，它是如何建立的，它的主要特点是什么。在１５和１６世纪的文艺复兴时期，起初在意大利，后来在欧...     

红酒与块菌的秋天

秋天,一个总是让人充满感慨的季节,那么如何度过一个浪漫而又浓郁的秋天,也是一件令人探寻的事情。堆满金黄落叶的浓厚,让人想起了欧洲的油画,对,在欧洲意大利的托斯卡纳,是这个秋天最适合神往的地方。     

法国学者对丝绸之路的研究

法国学者对丝绸之路的研究耿欧洲的汉学研究最早是由几个航海大国发起的,如意大利、葡萄牙、西班牙与荷兰等国。但是法国人很快就成了执欧洲乃至整个国外汉学之牛耳者。法国于１８１４年１２月１１日在法兰西学院创设了国外的第一个汉学讲座,汉学从此堂而皇之地进入了...     

读书

谁是地球的主人？ 有些地名（包括译名）莫名地令人喜欢,有人喜欢布宜诺斯艾利斯。有人喜欢乌兰巴托,有人喜欢名古屋。意大利有很多令人神往的地名。如托斯卡纳、翡冷翠（弗洛伦萨）。但有时美丽的名字背后有着严酷的现实,房龙在《地球的故事》中写道：“意大利这个文明古国不仅拥有月光下的废墟、橘树、曼陀林音乐会和个性鲜明的农夫。它同时还是一个火山之国。     

法兰西第二帝国的重要历史地位

法兰西第二帝国时期是法国近代史上一个重要的历史阶段。我国史学界以往对此的研究尚不多,本文愿对这个阶段作一探索,就教于史学界的同行们。 一 人们对第二帝国的评价历来存在分歧。法国波拿巴派史学家坚持第二帝国的官方见解,歌颂     

评《意大利统一史》

意大利的统一运动不仅是意大利历史上的重大事件,也是19世纪欧洲资产阶级民族民主革命的重要组成部分。恩格斯曾经高度地评价意大利人民为实现国家统一而进行的英勇斗争。他说,在欧洲,“除波兰人外,任何一个民族都不曾作过这么多果敢的努力来摆脱他们身上的枷锁”。意大利人民的这种斗争精神及其成功的经验是值得一切被压迫的人民和民族效法与借鉴的。世界各国都     

藏在托斯卡纳 深山里的古老秘境

正提到意大利的托斯卡纳,人们立刻会联想起波浪般舒缓起伏的田野,点缀着丝柏树的蜿蜒小径,漫山的葡萄园与向日葵,美酒美食里的意大利式田园诗……其实在托斯卡纳的南部,还有着一片更为野性和神秘的土地:在这里,肆意蔓延的深谷和沟壑切割了森林和田野,其间点缀着由意大利半岛上最古老的民族伊特鲁里亚人建立的古老城镇,以及连接这些城镇的巨石走廊。     

意大利战争与欧洲国家体系的初步形成

1494—1559年的意大利战争是欧洲由中世纪向近代转型时期发生的最重大的历史事件,它直接导致意大利城邦国家体系的覆灭并融入正在形成中的欧洲国家体系。意大利战争的起源、过程和结果表明,战争为正在兴起的欧洲主要大国西班牙、法国、英国、奥地利等提供了竞技场,进而促成了欧洲国际关系中心由地中海向大西洋的转移,为1648年建立的欧洲国家体系——威斯特伐利亚体系——奠定了必要的基础。     

L'écologisme français entre présent évanescent et avenir incertain

This article reviews the factors determining whether the ecology movement in France has been a success or a failure. Broadly speaking the French ecology move ment - l'écologisme français - came into existence to fulfil a dual ambition. First, through its incursion into the political arena - an incursion initially thought of as temporary - its purpose was to force other political parties and public bodies to pay greater attention to environmental issues. Second, in the swirl of ideas following May 1968, its ambition was to become a 'politics of the future': among other things, it would strive to displace the other parties and undermine or redefine the traditional divide between the Left and Right. These and other concerns are analysed in order to assess what role 'ecologism' plays in France today. This article is based on the author's latest book, L'introuvable écologisme français (PUF, 2000).     

The ‘turn to the victim’ in Italian culture: victim-centred narratives of the anni di piombo

This article considers the emergence of a corpus of victim centred-narratives addressing the experience of political violence during the anni di piombo in the period surrounding the establishment of the ‘Day of Memory for the Victims of Terrorism’. Bringing a critical victim-studies approach to bear, it explores how the victim of terrorism is portrayed in the corpus of victim-centred narratives and asks what is claimed, effected and achieved by the corpus in cultural terms. It further explores how the perspective of survivors of terrorist attacks and of relatives of the victims reshapes the cultural imaginary of the anni di piombo in the new millennium.     

Education and Political Socialisation of a National-Colonial Political Elite in French West Africa, 1936–47

Much has been written about the first generation of political leaders of French West Africa, their leadership skills, personal resources and networks. Their attachment to, and close links with, France played a crucial role in determining the pattern of decolonisation in the colony. Through a study of their political socialisation, this article seeks to throw light on the experiences and influences that fashioned their thinking about politics and created a common stock of ideas, norms and values. Focusing in particular on their education at the William Ponty School and two key moments that shaped their political thinking—the Popular Front period (1936–38) and the immediate post-war period (1944–47)—it will be argued that an appreciation of their process of political socialisation enhances our understanding of their political choices. A final section reflects on the legacy of this process in the postcolonial period.     

Les relations France-Algérie vues de la diaspora algérienne

The feeling of belonging to a diaspora is relatively weak among Algerians for at least four main reasons. First, during the Algerian war of independence Algerian migrants were divided between rival nationalist movements and traces of these divisions can still be felt. Second, the period of immigrant settlement is still relatively recent. The 40 years that have elapsed since independence do not constitute a sufficiently long time period for the development of a strong diasporic consciousness in France. Third, the Algerian minority in France is divided in numerous ways, such as between Arabic-speakers and Berber-speakers and between migrant workers living apart from their families and the young generation of 'Beurs' born in France of immigrant parents. Fourth, the deterioration of the political situation in Algeria since the late 1980s has blow n apart the relationship between the Algerian state and ordinary Algerians both within and outside Algeria.     

Prostitution and infection: transnational and comparative perspectives on Italian health policy (1922–1958)

ABSTRACT

In 1958 the Italian parliament abolished controlled prostitution and closed the case di tolleranza – brothels licensed and supervised by the state. Justified in the nineteenth century as a means to combat venereal diseases, discussions surrounding the state-regulated prostitution became increasingly complex after the Second World War. This article will focus on the presumptive chief argument, the brothels’ benefit to public health. Using a historical comparison, it will identify this factor’s role in the continuation or abolition of the regulated system and any aspects unique to the Italian case. To take full advantage of the comparative approach, countries have been selected that permit an entangled historical comparison that is both synchronic and diachronic: Whereas the change in prostitution regulations occurred after the Second World War in France and Italy – the same era – we must jump back to a different period, the pre-war years, for the German case.     

Between Fantasy and Philosophy: Saʿdi,Translator of Voltaire’s Zadig

Zadig ou la Destinée opens on a preface supposedly written by Sadi (sic), who seems to suggest he is the translator of the story which is to follow. The article will investigate the role played by Voltaire’s reference to Sa?di in Zadig as an Oriental prop for the narrative’s exotic setting, but also, more importantly, as participating in its philosophical content. Travelers’ accounts had brought growing interest in Persia, and Sa?di would not have been unfamiliar to an educated public; the Orient more generally became an experimental space for Enlightenment thought. Playing on the notion of the translator as cultural bridge, the article examines the uses Voltaire makes of Sa?di in Zadig and whether these correlate to the eighteenth-century French reader’s perceptions of the Iranian poet.     

Bonapartist memory and republican nation-building: revisiting the civic festivities of the Second Empire

This article, based on extensive archive research, sets out to explore continuities between Bonapartism and republicanism, continuities which can be traced through the organisation of civic festivities in 19th-century France. Like the revolutionary regimes which preceded it, and the Third Republic which followed, the Bonapartist governments of the First and, especially, the Second Empire attached a great importance to these forms of political ceremonial, which sought to mobilise French citizens around key political and civic themes in order to forge a new sense of collective identity.     

A coalbed methane ‘stratum’ for a low-carbon future: A critical inquiry from the Lorraine Basin (France)

Coalbed methane exploration in Lorraine (France) is part of a rush to unconventional natural gas around the world. These resources are envisioned as a “transitional bridge” to a low-carbon economy dominated by renewable generation. This paper tackles the idea that such a “fuel bridge” could lead to a more sustainable transition. It studies the network of actors and interests involved in exploring a coalbed methane ‘volume’, its modelling and how it becomes public. Through this lens, it shows how a ‘volume’ endures in a ‘stratum’, as well as the political issues related to this reconfiguring of the underground in Lorraine.The article contributes to three debates in relation with political geology. First, it proposes a renewed definition of ‘volume’ based on the work of Michel Serres. The ‘volume’ is not a property of the underground nor a geometric ideality but defined as a transitory ordering of the ‘multitude’ that encompasses material, knowledge and political issues. It enables the development of a more continuous analytical strategy to follow geological and political crossed influences, and contributes to this project by going beyond existing divides (e.g. vitalist/constructivist). Second, the paper provides the reader with a complementary perspective (from the field instead of a compilation of data at an international level) about what it means to assess an unconventional resource. The proposed definition of ‘volume’ does not reduce uncertainty to a matter of knowing but makes it constitutive of the making of a gas potential. This enables one to follow the chain of mediations through which uncertainty is framed and strategically managed to meet industrial, scientific and political interests, while taming local oppositions. Third, the paper analyses why this coalbed methane ‘stratum’ may be democratically contested and transitory instead of preparing the ground for a low-carbon transition. This case study looks at a unique situation in France, namely a private company receiving public support in the context of political tensions about unconventional gas, and shows the country's internal contradictions and delays in updating its institutions and strategy concerning the use of underground resources for a low-carbon transition.     

Historiography as a political battlefield (1956–1989): Italian left-wing historians on early German Social Democracy

The debate surrounding German Social Democracy during the era of the Second International represents an important chapter in the historiography of post-Second World War Italy. At the same time, it also marks some crucial moments in the political and intellectual life of Republican Italy. This article aims to show the close relationship between the investigation of the past and the ongoing political struggle that has characterised research on this issue. Study of the topic was practically monopolised by left-wing historians, who, in dealing with the history of German Social Democracy, aimed also to direct the political strategy of workers' parties. Considering the studies appearing after the 1956 crisis and in the mid-1970s, such a goal seems evident. It was only during the 1980s that the research opened itself to different perspectives – no longer influenced by ideological controversies.     

Australia's Economic Ambitions in French New Caledonia, 1945–1955

ABSTRACT

From 1945, consistent with its broader South Pacific ambitions, Australia sought to strengthen its economic position in New Caledonia. The leaders of the European-descended ‘Caledonian’ community wanted economic autonomy for the territory and improved trade with Australia. Yet the opportunity proved illusory. France remained committed to imperial preference and economic dominance. Its revival was underwritten by Marshall Plan aid, including in New Caledonia. Australia failed to provide enough of the coal that appeared to offer economic influence. In the 1950s the Melanesians gained the vote, and the Caledonians lost political power. Conservative governments in Australia showed less interest than their Labor predecessors. Australia would have welcomed an economically autonomous New Caledonia with close Australian links, but this idea clashed with France's centralist and unitary traditions. In the tension between New Caledonia's geography and its history, France had ensured that history won.