杰斐逊的“自由帝国”观及其影响

自由是美国民众信奉的共和意识形态的核心,对他们的世界观的形成以及处理内外事务的方式和确定国家追求的长远目标等产生了很大的影响。对杰斐逊那一代人来说,在帝国前边加上自由这个修饰语,体现了美国与传统的帝国在本质上的区别,美国的版图扩张与保障自由的共和制向外延伸的统一。杰斐逊的自由帝国观,很大程度上反映了他对这个新国家如何维护共和政体的理论思考。杰斐逊未曾系统地阐述过他的自由帝国观,但这种观念可以说是一直存在于他的脑海之中,不时地根据局势的需要提了出来,成为其扩张思想的经典表述。疆土扩张和文化影响的有机结合是杰斐逊自由帝国观的实质所在。迄今为止,杰斐逊为美国设计的自由帝国远景依然是美国政府孜孜以求的目标。     

义和团运动与美国对华政策

义和团运动与美国对华政策〔韩〕金希教大致在义和团运动时期,帝国主义列强开始在形式上强调“保全中国的领土和主权的完整”①。这一措辞与鸦片战争以来列强坚持要求取得并扩大租借地和势力范围的旧扩张方式是有所不同的。美国则是这一改变的代表,它的门户开放政策非常...     

《鸟粪岛法》与美国海洋领土的扩张

19世纪中期,美国完成了在北美大陆的扩张后将矛头伸向海洋。1856年颁布的《鸟粪岛法》以及依此而占据的大量鸟粪岛,是这一扩张活动的先声。《鸟粪岛法》的通过,反映出内战前美国国内农业经济发展对政治的压力。鸟粪岛扩展了美国在太平洋和加勒比海地区的势力存在,为1898年美西战争的胜利奠定了基础,成为美国扩张海洋领土和拓展海外利益的前沿地带,对19世纪末20世纪初的美国对外战略调整具有重要意义。这些岛屿为美国追求亚洲市场,参与亚洲太平洋地区的大国竞争提供了跳板。美国通过国内立法的方式来占据海洋领土,这种行为与传统国际法准则间存在内在矛盾,由此引发了诸多领土争端。     

战后初期美国关于普遍军事训练问题的争论及其意义

战后初期,围绕杜鲁门政府提出的普遍军事训练议案,美国国内不同群体进行了激烈的争辩。这场全国性辩论触及战后美国国家目标、公民责任以及国家安全与公民自由间关系等诸多问题,反映出美国社会对全民军事化和国家权力威胁民主政治的恐惧心理,显现了杜鲁门政府在寻求国家安全和公民自由之间的平衡上所面临的困境。普遍军事训练议案的流产说明,即使在冷战初期国家安全观念占据绝对优势的情况下,弥漫在美国社会的传统"自由"观念对国家权力的扩张仍具有相当大的制约作用。杜鲁门政府对普遍军事训练议案的宣传活动,构成了他们以"捍卫自由"话语为特征的冷战动员的重要组成部分,这在一定程度上为后来美国国内达成冷战共识奠定了舆论基础。     

美国宗教民族主义的历史省察

宗教民族主义是指一个国家的民族宗教与民族主义结合在一起并为民族利益服务。美国宗教民族主义是美国政治制度的力量源泉,它使美国的国际行为神圣化。在美国民族形成过程中,宗教曾起到民族整合的作用,美国依靠宗教皈依来自世界各地的移民,同时,也利用宗教捧除其他化对美国的冲击;在美国领土扩张过程中,宗教理念推动了美国的西进运动和海外扩张;在国际难民解救问题上,美国政府和宗教界人士以宗教关怀为手段体现美国政府在国际上的作用和地位;在20世纪的美国外交中,美国利用宗教积极参加反对共产主义运动,成为反共十字军中的重要成员。美国的历史就是宗教与民族主义相互融合、相互配合、相互作用的历史。     

中国大革命时期美国对华政策(1925—1928)

自19世纪末年到第一次世界大战,美国向远东及太平洋地区扩张的主要战略是以“门户开放”为手段,尽量分享其他帝国主义国家已经通过不平等条约从中国攫取的权益。尽管美国没有实际参与列强为建立各自势力范围而对中国领土的瓜分,但美国政府借口传教士和商人的“条约权益”,派遣炮舰巡弋于中国水域,调拨军队驻扎于中国领土。直到华盛顿会议     

对盟国的抵制与索取:战后初期日本的领土政策(1945—1951)

日本作为第二次世界大战的发起国与战败国,按照盟国《开罗宣言》的规定,"其以暴力或贪欲所攫取之所有土地"都应被剥夺,但战后已被盟国从日本领土剥离出来的琉球群岛、小笠原群岛等又被美国私相授受给了日本。其根源在于,日本对殖民扩张和侵略战争没有进行彻底清算,殖民主义的意识形态仍在影响着日本政界,导致日本在战后实施的领土政策不是心甘情愿地放弃侵占的邻国领土,而是抵制盟国对日本领土的处置,甚至向盟国索要领土。尤其是冷战爆发后,日本巧妙地利用盟国分裂之机,向美国争取到了对琉球群岛拥有"剩余主权"的承诺,实现了与美国等国的片面媾和,为日后美日私相授受琉球群岛、小笠原群岛等做了铺垫,同时也为中日、苏(俄)日、韩日领土争端埋下了伏笔。     

美国国家认同的形成及其对美国外交的影响

美国的国家认同建立在新英格兰的历史经验、共同的革命经历以及对普世自由主义价值观和理想的信奉基础之上。这种独特的国家认同模式使美国人相信美国具有一种独特的国家身份———“自由的捍卫者” ,注定要在世界上发挥独一无二的作用 ,并因此对美国外交政策产生两方面的影响 :其一是把捍卫和实现普世自由作为重要的国家目标 ,为美国外交注入了强烈的道义色彩 ,在一些特定的历史时期有助于捍卫国际正义和传播自由、平等的人类理想 ;其二是乐于在对外关系中不断寻找“他者” ,即所谓“自由的敌人”并加以消灭 ,导致美国外交中的干涉主义和滥用自身巨大的力量 ,给其他国家和国际事务带来灾难。     

论瑞士雇佣兵的兴起与没落

瑞士在14世纪和15世纪争取独立的过程中发展出一种极具战斗力的步兵,在获得一系列令人震惊的胜利后,瑞士军人开始被视为欧洲最优秀的士兵。在具备强大的军事实力后,瑞士没有通过扩张领土成为一个欧洲大国,而是走上输出雇佣兵的道路,其原因在于瑞士联邦内部的政治结构妨碍了它的领土扩张,瑞士的军事体制又导致它没有产生伟大的军事统帅,而且地缘政治环境的变化加大了扩张领土的难度。贫困落后的经济状况和人口过剩也是促使瑞士走上输出雇佣兵之路的重要理由。作战方式的变化、国民义务兵的出现、瑞士工商业的发展及舆论氛围的变化等多重原因导致瑞士雇佣兵在19世纪走向没落。     

“边疆学说”与美国对外扩张政策(上)

弗雷德里克·杰克逊·特纳是美国中西部学派的创始人,他创立的“边疆学说”不仅对美国史学界有巨大的影响,而且对美国对外扩张政策的制订也有深远的影响。因为特纳的“边疆学说”中贯串了一种扩张主义思想,宣告美国之向新领土扩张乃美国历史发展的基本规律。随着美国的进一步扩张,美     

Contesting Conquests: Nineteenth-Century German and Polish Historiography of the Expansion of the Holy Roman Empire and the Polish-Lithuanian Union

The problem of conquests and territorial expansion, including their interpretation, evaluation, and legitimisation, has been crucial for European national historiographies. Consequently, attempts by the Holy Roman emperors, particularly of the Saxon and Hohenstaufen dynasties, to control Italy and Burgundy were hotly debated among nineteenth-century German historians, while Poland's union with Lithuania, and the annexation of the vast territories of the east which followed, was a central topic for Polish historians of the time. Modern historians of historiography in both countries have carefully analysed these narratives, emphasising their ideological and political contexts, such as their involvement in the Grossdeutsch versus Kleindeutsch controversy and the controversy between the so-called Cracow and Warsaw historical schools. In this paper I propose a comparative analysis of these two discourses which dealt with analogical issues and, as I demonstrate, developed with a parallel dynamic. Such an analysis, I argue, allows an escape from the paradigm of national exceptionalism, and the discovery of what was typical or, perhaps, constitutive of the discourse on territorial expansion of the time, instead of focusing on the uniqueness of the national context. This analysis embraces the conceptualisation, argumentation, and rhetoric of those nineteenth-century German and Polish historians discussing the expansion of the medieval Holy Empire and early-modern Poland. Moreover, it locates their interpretations within an international context of a broader Western historiographical tradition, involving issues of domination, cultural transfer, and colonialism. Finally, it examines the parallel mechanism of searching for, advocating, and perpetuating the idea of uniqueness of national history.     

The Territorial Expansion of American Cities and their Population Growth

The significance of territorial expansion of American cities in the growth of their population from one census to another is analyzed. The number of cities making annexations during intercensal periods has been steadily increasing since World War II. The trend is particularly pronounced in the South and West because of intensive industrialization and, in the case of the West, in-migration. In the North, annexation is often blocked by the presence of incorporated places in the urban fringe surrounding the central city. Some Northern cities have in fact lost population in the 1950–1960 period despite an expansion of their city limits.     

文明话语与帝国文化——关于义和团运动后传教士参与劫掠北京的一场争论

1901年义和团战争以后,美国社会围绕传教士参与对华劫掠兴起了一场争论,对这场争论的考察揭示出无论是马克.吐温和一些反帝国主义者,还是美国海外传教团体,争论双方都利用了当时流行的文明话语来论证自己的观点。这一文明话语为美国的扩张和海外非正式帝国的建立提供了支持和合法性,因而构成了一种帝国文化。     

汉代豪民研究论纲

汉代豪民在类型上可划分为工商豪民和乡里豪民。汉武帝官营工商以前,工商豪民是豪民阶层的主体,在其发展过程中尽管伴生了兼并土地、骄横不法等问题,但对社会经济发展起到的推动作用是主要的。官营工商之后,豪民经济结构发生逆转,乡里豪民成为豪民阶层的主体,田宅逾制、豪民役使、豪民私债等社会问题日益严重。随着豪民经济实力的增强,也开始不断以自身的存在影响国家政策、法令的调整,逐渐改善自己的地位,进而踏上仕途,上升为公卿士大夫,演变为门阀士族。     

Constituting "The People": National Identity Under William H. Taft and Richard M. Nixon

This project is focused on the long-term constitutive elements of presidential discourse; in other words, how rhetoric helps frame and determine national identity. Seemingly innocuous, and appearing in both ceremonial and policy addresses, presidential language concerning national identity helps shape the context, and thus sets the terms for more substantive, issue-laden debates. While one cannot measure the impact of this type of rhetoric in terms of specific issues and time frames, its influence is apparent in a broader and more diffuse perspective. This research compares the public rhetoric of presidents William H. Taft and Richard M. Nixon specifically in terms of their definitions of national identity. Both Republicans, albeit with very different political contexts and time periods, exhibited marked similarities in their strategies for defining the American polity, particularly with respect to their view of the president as the national representative, the idea that the nation is a unified whole, the belief that the nation follows the greatest good for the greatest number, the belief that each citizen occupies a natural place in the hierarchy of American society, and finally, the conviction that liberty is the most important foundational value of the country. The evidence suggests that rhetorical conceptions of national identity are important over time in the United States. Enjoying a broad audience, the president has the ability to shape national debate according to which groups and issues he includes or excludes from the polity.     

Nations Unchained: Revolution,Empire, and the Collapse of the Westphalian Order

I examine transformations of “world orders,” of the basic norms governing relations between powers and between powers and peoples. I present three historical transformations of the world order: First, the transformation at the end of the eighteenth century of the Westphalian or Vattelian order in Europe based on the equality of states and the balance of power, into a world order based on nationalism and imperialism. Second, the transformation in the aftermath of World War II in which imperial domination was rejected, national self-determination affirmed, and territorial acquisition by force outlawed (what I call “1945 rules”). Third, the present collapse of 1945 rules in the face of the Russian invasion of the Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea. I assess these transformations with help from Nicholas Onuf and the English School of International Relations.     

The History of Political Thought as secular genealogy: the case of liberty in early modern England

ABSTRACT

The History of Political Thought originated in, and partially remains an adjunct to the academic study of politics. As such it is not a mere subject matter or authentic tradition of speculation, but a secularising genealogy in some tension with an impulse to rigorous historicity. It provides an under-acknowledged context for the thinkers and concepts placed within it. The difficulties and consequent distortions are illustrated with reference to seventeenth-century discussions of liberty. It is argued that notions of negative liberty and Republican liberty as an ideological alternative are secularising genealogical projections that distort the character of seventeenth-century debate; but that republican liberty can be reformulated in more historically plausible terms as a special case of one of the entailments of contentious office-holding in and beyond a secularised conception of the political. Thomas Hobbes's conceptions of liberty provide a concluding illustration.     

Towards a de-Occidentalist perspective on Israel: The case of the occupation

First fleshed out in German romanticism, Occidentalist discourse expresses a regressive, conspiratorial, and anti-cosmopolitan critique of “Western” modernity. In a process mirroring the Orientalization of the Jews in Europe, the Jewish State in the Middle East underwent a process of Occidentalization – a phenomenon most apparent in depictions of Jewish diaspora nationalism as a form of European settler-colonialism. In order to illustrate the research agenda of de-Occidentalizing Israel, two approaches are applied to the example of Israel's occupation: An analysis of preexisting theorizations of Israel's territorial expansion after 1967 points to Occidentalist motifs like the systematic dislocation of Israel from its particular era and region, the neglect of Palestinian resistance, and the failure to develop a regionally comparative perspective. In contrast, a de-Occidentalist recontextualization of Israel as a postcolonial state in the Middle East points to intriguing parallels with other cases of postcolonial state expansion like Syria's protectorate over Lebanon and Morocco's partial annexation of Western Sahara.     

Reflections on the Economic-Noneconomic Debate: A Radical Geographical Perspective from the European South

This paper expands upon the economic/noneconomic (cultural turn) debate in economic geography and proposes an alternative radical perspective through the lens of the European South. Based on the experience of Greece, the paper argues that no matter how important the cultural issues might be, the great political economy problems of distorted growth and incomplete development, sociospatial inequalities, and weak, incoherent and contradictory territorial policies continue to have a primary importance. The paper reviews some basic points of the cultural turn debate and then examines the orientations of radical spatioeconomic thought in postdictatorial (post-1974) Greece in arguing that this thought was mostly problem-driven, policy-oriented and focused upon the political economy of Greek socioeconomic and territorial restructuring. It is argued that a southern radical agenda has to be based more deliberately on holistic and inclusive interdisciplinary resyntheses in which cultural issues are given due attention, but not to the detriment of a radical understanding of the territorial workings of economy, society and power relations. The concluding suggestion of the paper is that it is a political turn , rather than a cultural turn, that is best suited to a radical interpretation of South European economic geographies.