甲申事变前后黎庶昌的琉球策略

1881年中日琉球交涉中断后,驻日使臣黎庶昌力谋贯彻清政府“存球祀”意旨,最初将球案作为独立的外交问题单独对待。甲申事变后,随着朝鲜通商开港政策陷入困境,黎庶昌又将琉球与朝鲜问题相联系,提出“朝鲜.琉球交换”论。1887年第二次使日后,由于朝鲜问题始终未息,其琉球策略大要不离“朝鲜.琉球交换”论。黎庶昌的球案交涉,早期有声有色,后期则主要限于提出书面策略。这与日本通过情报系统对清政府的球案政策有充分把握而立场渐趋强硬有相当关系。     

古代日琉关系考

清代光绪年间 ,中日围绕“琉球问题”有过长达数年的争议。 1879年 8月 2日 ,日本驻华公使向总署转交外相寺岛宗则 7月 16日发出的《说略》,内称 :“琉球为我南岛久矣……国史记南岛朝贡事 ,实在中国隋唐之际。天平七年 (唐开元二十三年 ) ,太宰府遣使于南岛……既在我政教之下矣。”“保元中 (当宋绍兴时 ) ,源为朝居伊豆大岛 ,浮海略诸岛至琉球 ,娶岛酋大里按司女弟 ,生男尊敦。为朝还大岛 ,尊敦立为琉球王 ,是为舜天王……其后二百余年 ,将军足利义教赏萨摩守岛津忠国功 ,赐以琉球 (嘉吉元年、明正统六年 )尔来 ,隶属岛津氏为其附庸。”…     

黎庶昌“使外文学”作品的变革意识及其中西文化取向

黎庶昌是晚清最早常驻欧洲的外交官之一,其儒学修养中的变革意识,使其在面对中外异质文化之时,适应性地采取了积极的应变策略.黎庶昌的变革意识在其“使外文学”作品中突出地表现为坚持儒学文化本位,主张中西文化的融合与贯通,并由此而萌发了学习西方的文化自觉.     

明朝时期中、日、琉球关系研究

明际中、日、琉球关系的发展与变化对此后的中日关系产生了深刻的影响.明廷在前期以及中后期对琉球的一系列不当政策导致了琉球与日本联系以及日本对琉球控制的加强.日本对琉球由此前的陌生、淡薄转化为对它的积极进取与控制.随着明末国家实力的衰落,以及明廷对琉球采取保守的宗藩政策,日本在琉球的优越地位日益上升.这一地位的上升是日本在东亚执行对外积极扩张政策的开始.日本正是以琉球为起点开始走上奴役东亚邻国的道路.     

清政府弱化琉球宗主权的历史考察

自明朝以后,中国对琉球一直拥有宗主权。1874年中日《北京专条》是清政府弱化对琉球宗主权的开始。在琉球问题交涉中,李鸿章的“延宕之法”进一步弱化了宗主权。随着宗主权不断弱化,清政府内部“防日”思想上升。     

关于中日钓鱼岛争端中"美国因素"的历史考察

文章对中日钓鱼岛争端中的“美国因素”进行了系统考察。二战后美国的日本政策与钓鱼岛问题的产生、发展及变化有着密切联系。在冷战的国际背景下,美国政府通过托管琉球与“第27号令”将中国钓鱼岛纳入其托管之下。20世纪70年代初美国又将钓鱼岛的“施政权”作为冲绳的一部分“归还”给日本,为中日钓鱼岛争端打下“楔子”。冷战结束以来,美国政府在钓鱼岛主权归属上由“模糊中立”到当今小布什政府的“小心介入”,反映了美国政府在钓鱼岛问题立场上的变化。     

琉球事件中的中国社会关于宗藩体制的舆论--以《申报》为主要考察对象

在琉球事件当中宗藩体制正面临着崩溃 ,中国社会舆论如何看待这一事件 ?在不同阶段 ,舆论先是要求清政府与日本争琉 ,继而要求清政府舍琉 ,最后要求清政府为琉存祀 ,而所“争”、所“舍”、所“存”的都是中国对于琉球的宗主权 ,而不是像日本那样对琉球的领有权提出要求。中国社会外交观念落后于国际现实 ,外交自然只能处于被动。     

美日奄美群岛归还及台湾当局的因应对策研究北大核心CSSCI

奄美群岛为琉球群岛之一部分,"二战"后连同琉球其他岛屿被美国控制。战后日本利用复杂的国际局势,力促奄美群岛"回归";而美国受制于国际环境的变动及本国利益集团的博弈,一再对日让步,满足日本的利益需求。美日奄美群岛"归还",是国民党当局败退台湾后在琉球问题上迎来的第一个挑战,但国民党当局已经丧失了对琉球处理的话语权,在奄美问题上无奈大干抗争。同时,奄美群岛"归还"后,美国琉球民政府重新划定美军控制琉球的地域范围,以经纬度的形式把属于中国的钓鱼岛及其附属岛屿也划进去,最终形成了今天的钓鱼岛问题。     

明朝册封使团从客胡靖与《琉球记》

胡靖所著《琉球记》与杜三策所撰《使琉球疏》都对崇祯六年（1633年）五月二十三日明朝册封使团出使琉球做了记录,二著皆未依照陈侃所创的“使录体”成书。考察对照这两部文献,有助于从整体上认识这次册封过程。     

中国国民政府与琉球问题

20世纪40年代,中国国民政府曾一度面临解决中、日之间悬而未决的琉球问题的有利时机。但是,由于国民政府内部分歧重重,以及二战后最高当局忙于内战,没有能够在该问题上达成任何政府共识,最终丧失了解决琉球问题的法理权。而且,伴随着东、西方冷战的加剧以及国民政府在国共内战后败退台湾,琉球问题被美国所操纵而成为美、日冲绳问题,从而给海峡两岸的中国人民留下深深的历史遗憾。     

Climate and energy security policies and measures: synergies and conflicts

Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.     

我和我的兄弟姐妹

1938年．我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天．至今不知道．因此．六十多年过去了．我从来也没有过过生日。     

Challenger and Chernobyl Lessons and Reflections

Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.     

Power and Ethnicity History and Anthropology

This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.     

Of Demons and Angels and Historical Humans: Some Events and Questions in Translation and Post-colonial Theory

In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.     

后伊拉克时代与中国的内政外交--普遍主义与单边主义的冲突

"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.