J.G. Granö and Edgar Kant: Teacher and Pupil, Colleagues and Friends

This paper is adapted from an address given at the plenary session of the conference ’From Native and Landscape Research to Urban and Regional Studies‘ held in Tartu on 23 August, 2002, to mark the birthdays of J.G. Granö (120 years.) and Edgar Kant (100 years). The Finnish geographer J.G. Granö was Professor of Geography at the University of Tartu from 1919 to 1923, a period during which that university became the birthplace of many original geographical ideas. Edgar Kant was beginning his studies at that time, and a link was forged between the two scholars which lasted until Granö's death in 1956. The nature of this interaction and its significance for the history of geographical studies are discussed.     

孙中山直接民权思想之探析

孙中山先生在分析西方代议政体弊端的基础上,提出实行选举权、罢免权、创制权和复决权等四项直接民权。孙中山的直接民权思想在某种程度上,对保障和实现人民主权原则有着一定的积极作用,但在理论和实践中也不可避免地存在困境。     

论不当得利请求权与其它民事请求权的竞合

不当得利请求权是债权请求权的重要组成部分。然而,这种请求权在我国的司法实践中却极少应用。为充分发挥不当得利请求权的功能,需理清不当得利请求权与物权请求权、合同请求权、无因管理请求权、侵权损害赔偿请求权的竞合关系。     

评美国的跨国市民社会运动与人权外交

跨国市民社会运动是美国人权外交的重要内容之一。20世纪80年代初,美国、英国、法国和德国等国曾与东欧各国和前苏联在70年代末成立的反对派一起,开展了跨国市民社会运动。这次运动,是促使东欧巨变和前苏联解体的重要原因之一。20世纪末,美国再次强调开展跨国市民社会运动的重要性。在跨国市民社会运动中,美国强调灌输普世人权观的重要意义,并利用经济全球化,使用强制性执行手段等方式来推行美国的人权标准。     

Race and Civil Rights in the Contemporary Era

Paul M. Sniderman and Edward G. Carmines, Reaching Beyond Race
Brian K. Landsberg, Enforcing Civil Rights: Race Discrimination and the Department of Justice
Robert C. Smith, Racism in the Post-Civil Rights Era: Now You See It, Now You Don't     

Textual Corruption in the Civil Rights Cases

The Civil Rights Cases ¹ do not quite rival Plessy v. Ferguson ² for notoriety as the decision that most clearly confirmed the failure of Reconstruction and the rise of Jim Crow. Yet the Civil Rights Cases did far more than Plessy to limit federal power to address the continuing consequences of slavery. They declared unconstitutional the Civil Rights Act of 1875 insofar as it prohibited discrimination in public accommodations operated by private parties. Congress passed that act under its powers to enforce the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments, but the Court held the act unconstitutional on the ground that private discrimination was neither a badge or incident of slavery under the Thirteenth Amendment nor a manifestation of state action under the Fourteenth. Although the Court's holding under the Thirteenth Amendment was effectively overruled by the Warren Court, ³ its holding under the Fourteenth Amendment continues to be influential, supporting a decision of the Rehnquist Court striking down the Violence Against Women Act. ⁴     

Assessing Presidential Communications in Civil Rights Policymaking

This chapter compares the public communications of modern presidents across target groups and issue areas of civil rights. We find that attention, support, and symbolism on civil rights vary considerably across individual presidents and political party. Not surprisingly, in their public messages Democratic presidents are more attentive and supportive of civil rights than are Republican presidents. Some results were expected, while others were surprising. Lyndon B. Johnson was attentive and supportive; but, unexpectedly, George H. W. Bush was highly attentive to and quite nonsupportive of civil rights. Also surprisingly, on most indicators, Bush's policy statements were less symbolic and less equivocal than were Ronald W. Reagan's. Most attention is given to blacks as a target group (although this is declining) and to the employment issue area. Overall, the findings reveal the considerable flexibility and discretion in presidents' public communications in the civil rights realm.     

试析杜鲁门总统民权委员会的活动

为了回应“两难困境”的挑战,杜鲁门总统颁布行政命令,创立了总统民权委员会。委员会对美国的种族关系和民权问题进行了全面的调研和评估,向总统提交了《保障这些权利》的报告。报告体现了战后美国政府和人们对种族问题的反思,也是对解决种族问题的探索和尝试。报告的大量发行和人们的竞相阅读,对增进美国民众的种族正义观念产生了重要的影响。