Chiang Kai-shek’s faith in Christianity: the trial of the Stilwell Incident

Chiang Kai-shek’s faith in Christianity has long been a controversial issue. Some have held that his faith was genuine while others have claimed that it was merely a posture to curry favor with the Americans. Now that the Hoover Institution has released Chiang Kai-shek’s diaries, historians are in a better position to explore this long-ignored part of Chiang’s life. This paper will examine Chiang’s faith as it developed during the Stilwell Incident, the most serious crisis of US–China military cooperation during World War II. While facing American pressure to grant military command to General Joseph W. Stilwell, Chiang reveals in his diaries how he relied on his faith in the Bible, how he interpreted the Bible, and how he applied his understanding of the Bible to his political decision making. An examination of Chiang’s diary during this crisis will help us understand his practical relationship with Christianity, which in turn will provide insight into Chiang’s attitudes and methods in dealing with the Stilwell Incident.     

论蒋介石与抗战期间的军事会议

在长达八年的抗日战争中,随着国际反法西斯战争形势与中国正面战场抗击日军的历次会战态势的变化,蒋介石连续召开一系列军事会议,制定并调整了对日作战方针,检讨了各次会战,策定了相应的战略战术,从中反映出蒋介石对形势的估计、对敌我双方军队的认识等,比较能够符合实情,也产生了一定的积极作用。但从总体上讲,蒋介石的话是“耳边风”,一吹就过,对国民党军队的劣根性改造无济于事。     

Localizing the Reynolds case: a comparison of two American military atrocities in the Far East in Cold War 1957

ABSTRACT

This paper’s main focus is the case of the killing of Chinese citizen Liu Ziran by the American soldier Robert G. Reynolds in Taipei on March 20, 1957. Following this unfortunate event, a United States court-martial was inappropriately held in Taiwan. Reynolds’ acquittal provoked a violent response from the Chinese people. The riot on May 24, 1957, is best interpreted within a framework of nationalism rather than Cold War discourse. That same year, in the Girard case, another American soldier killed a Japanese woman in Japan. Due to the unequal positions of Taiwan and Japan in US Cold War strategy, these two killings were handled differently and led to dissimilar reactions. Washington viewed Taipei as somewhat of a troublemaker rather than a reliable ally and expressed great suspicion of Chiang Kai-shek and his eldest son, Chiang Ching-kuo. The US government had already declined to support Chiang Kai-shek’s plan for parachute raids in China. Meanwhile, Chiang’s authoritarian regime created a hotbed for the outbreak of nationalism. The people of Taiwan experienced a “pawn complex” and, in the Reynolds case, gave vent to accumulated ideological and social pressures.     

蒋介石的反“台独”立场述论

二战结束以后尤其是偏安台湾一隅的四分之一世纪里,蒋介石始终坚持反台独立场,不仅对岛内外台独组织及其活动坚决取缔,严厉打击,而且对日本政府及右翼政客支持台独的行径进行了谴责,对其策动台湾当局独立的建议予以拒绝。这是台独势力在此期间未能坐大和两个中国、一中一台图谋未能得逞的重要原因之一。     

差异何其大——台湾时代蒋介石与胡适对彼此间交往的记录

蒋介石与胡适的关系为学术界所乐道,甚至被赋予诸多象征意义.1949年国民党政权逃台后的蒋胡关系,既是大陆时代的延续,也有在台湾时空环境下新的特点.蒋介石在台湾时期日记的开放,为研究二人关系提供了全新的资料.蒋介石与胡适均记载了他们交往的经过与彼此观感,但相异甚大,往往是"一个事件,各自表述".蒋介石在日记中痛骂胡适与在公开场合下对胡的"礼遇"形成鲜明的对比,背后的玄机,令人深思.     

中美关系史上一件"谜案"的历史考察 --"罗斯福下令史迪威除掉蒋介石之说"辨析

近年来,开罗会议期间罗斯福指令史迪威清除蒋介石的说法出现于国内许多论著中.本文从罗斯福对华政策、开罗会议期间罗斯福与蒋介石关系、美在华中国通对蒋介石的态度等方面对这一说法进行了辨析,指出开罗会议期间罗斯福指令史迪威干掉蒋介石的说法纯属子虚乌有.     

蒋介石与台湾收复

1895年日本侵占台湾,推行殖民统治。蒋介石青年时代具有一定的民族主义理念,关注台湾问题。国民政府建立后,他屈从于日本占领台湾的现状,设立台北领事馆,加强大陆与台湾的民间联系。在抗日战争中,他利用有利的国际环境,使美英承诺在日本战败后将台湾归还中国。成立台湾资源调查委员会,筹划收复台湾的具体工作。1945年10月,国民政府收复台湾。蒋介石在收复台湾过程中所起的作用应予以肯定。     

A Study of Public Finance within Wang Jingwei's Puppet Regime,by Pan Jian

Studying the original diaries of Chiang Kai-shek juxtaposed with its various compiled editions is much more important than simply distinguishing which edition is more or less authentic. The differences between the original and its copies resulted from deliberate efforts on the part of Chiang as well as his aid to edit and revise the original for public view. Hence, a comparison between the original and revised editions of the diary goes beyond the mere study of the authenticity of the editions and is of important historical value. This study examines original text from Chiang Kai-shek's diary and compares it with compiled editions produced by Mao Sicheng, who worked as Chiang's secretary in the early 1920s. Using entries primarily from the period of July 1926 as a case study, I carefully examine the similarities as well as the differences between the original diary of Chiang Kai-shek and Mao's copies, both the indexed version and the quoted entries in A Chronicle of Chiang Kai-Shek's Life which Mao compiled and which was published after Chiang passed away in Taiwan. I aim to show what changes were made to the original text in the published versions of Chiang's diary, and to deduce possible explanations of the changes and the ramifications of the modifications.     

朝鲜战争与中国的台湾问题

中国海峡两岸的分裂是冷战时期遗留的问题,也是朝鲜战争的一个后遗症。朝鲜战争爆发导致美国直接派兵进入朝鲜,招致美国插手台湾事务,再度在政治、军事与经济上援助蒋介石,全面卷入中国内战。朝鲜战争爆发和美国介入中国台湾问题,与海峡两岸长期分裂有着直接的因果关系。     

Demythologizing Politicized Myths: A New Interpretation of the Seven Gentlemen Incident

This article investigates a political event in modern China that has received relatively little attention in the West. The Seven Gentlemen Incident occurred in the midst of the national crisis of Japanese aggression, when an independent patriotic movement led by seven Shanghai intellectuals organized the National Salvation Association and urged Chiang Kai-shek to fight the Japanese invaders. The Chiang regime, however, arrested the seven and accused them of plotting to overthrow the government. They were released only after Japan launched a full-scale attack on China in July 1937. Scholars have offered varying images of the incident. While the Seven Gentlemen were denounced as criminals by the Nationalists in Chinese Taiwan, they were respected as national heroes in Chinese mainland. Myths with conflicting viewpoints have been created. What were the life and career backgrounds of these people? Were they petty-bourgeoisie, as some mainlanders assume? Were the seven figures, as mainland Chinese claim, motivated under communist leadership to organize their association? What were their relations with the Nationalist regime and the Communist Party? This article endeavors to answer these questions based on new primary documents in particular archival material and offers new perspectives on this fascinating episode of modern China.     

蒋介石与宋明理学

本文通过对《蒋介石日记》的解读与论证,从新的角度证明了“宋明理学”对蒋介石的道德取向、人格塑造及思想理念的潜在影响。     

Chiang Kai-shek's reading: an inquiry based on Chiang's diary, 1920s–1940s

At different times of his life, Chiang Kai-shek entertained three different images of himself: saint, hero and revolutionary guru. The orientation of his reading roughly corresponded with these roles: to be a saint, he emphasized moral learning and self-improvement; to be a hero, he stressed military strategy and politics; and to be the guru for a revolution, he had an enduring interest in the histories of revolutions in other nations. He seldom took an interest in books about knowledge, leisure or entertainment, which had little connection with these three roles. Chiang was closer to a traditional Chinese intellectual than to his predecessor Dr. Sun Yat-sen in his knowledge structure, value orientation and behaviour codes. Although Mao Zedong was as devoted to old Chinese books as Chiang, Mao preferred history and classical literature while Chiang preferred Confucian classics. Mao read old books from a historical materialist point of view, whereas Chiang synthesized “Three Principles of the People” (Sanmin zhuyi) with Confucian doctrines.     

The basic structure of Chiang Kai-shek's diplomatic strategy

As a leader of the Republic of China, Chiang Kai-shek carried on Sun Yat-sen's legacy of using diplomacy as a force in the modern era and planned to rely on diplomacy to revise China's unequal treaties with foreign powers. Chiang elaborated on Sun's ideas and maintained that diplomacy as a war without battles worked more effectively than wars with battles. Faced with the threat of Japanese invasion, he upheld the strategy of using one foreign country to control another. He expected the outbreak of a war between Japan and the Soviet Union or between Japan and the United States so that a war between Japan and China could be avoided. Chiang engaged in active diplomacy aimed at turning these expectations into reality. His diplomatic strategy had an impact during the Anti-Japanese War.     

丸山真男学术立论中的事实与想象--"原型论"与"日本主义"情结

丸山真男的学术研究,在揭示出“日本早期近代化的基础奠定于江户时代”这一重要事实的同时,也超事实超学理地扩张了他的想象,这种想象,集中体现在他所提出的“原型论”当中,由于该理论与“日本主义”之间存有内在,本质和必然的联系,而这种联系又直接与少数人根深蒂固的“中国文化蔑视论”互为表里,因此,提出并正确认识这一问题,相信将有助于加强21世纪中日两国深层次的学术交流。     

美国与1966年联合国中国代表权问题

1964年以后,国际社会支持中国恢复在联合国席位的力量日益增强。在1966年联合国关于中国代表权问题的讨论中,为阻止中国进入联合国,美国投入了极大的精力。在这一过程中,美国及其盟国和蒋介石集团发生了尖锐的矛盾,经过讨价还价,美国在盟国的压力下作了相应的让步,美蒋最终达成妥协,中国仍然被排除在联合国之外。     

抗战胜利后蒋介石对宪政的态度

随着抗战进入尾声,蒋介石对宪政的态度由消极变为积极,而战后的新形势和日益临近的宪政对其政治策略产生了重大影响。政协会议上,蒋对中共和中间势力做出重大让步。政协决议对国民党宪政设计的更改,在国民党内激起轩然大波,蒋发觉事态发展已出乎自己预料之外。国民党六届二中全会上,蒋对宪政的态度暗中转变。在蒋的默许下,国民党虽未公开撕毁政协决议,但政协决议事实上已不能为国民党所执行。会后,蒋介石受党内强硬势力影响,对宪政的态度从温和的积极一变而为强硬的积极。中共态度也随之强硬,最终国共两党在宪政问题上分道扬镳。     

20世纪70年代初台湾当局对美“外交”与联合国中国代表权问题

1971年第26届联合国大会前一年内,在尼克松政府的要求和现实的压力下,台湾当局在联合国中国代表权问题上不断让步,但最终还是没能保住其在联合国的席位。在决策过程中,蒋介石表面上不断展示强硬立场,实质上却并非如此。他手下的高级"外交官"们为保住台湾当局在联合国的席位而倾向于妥协,但在威权体制下难于向蒋介石进言。     

The re-examination of Chiang Kai-shek's returning virtue for malice policy towards Japan after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War

After victory in the Anti-Japanese War, Chiang Kai-shek issued the famous radio speech “Letter to Soldiers and Civilians of the Whole Nation as well as the Peoples of the World after the Victory of the Anti-Japanese War.” The main idea of this speech was long interpreted as “returning virtue for malice” (or “good for evil”), a basic principle of the Kuomintang's policy towards Japan. Many scholars who have considered the returning virtue for malice policy in the postwar period include the following major issues: first, China repatriated Japanese prisoners of war and the Japanese diaspora with mercy; second, China allowed the Tenno, or imperial, system to be preserved in Japan; third, China did not participate in the occupation of Japan; and fourth, China gave up the right to ask for war reparations from Japan. This article examines the above four issues to reevaluate the returning virtue for malice policy. The first issue seems to reflect the Chinese national character of being lenient with others. However, it was in fact due to Chiang's anti-Communist strategy and the declared policy of the United States of eradicating Japan's influence in China. With regard to the second issue, Chiang's attitude was merely to let the Japanese people make their own choice, while the fate of the Japanese Tenno system was entirely determined by the US occupation authority, on which Chiang had little influence. The third issue was mainly the outcome of Chiang's focus on domestic political struggle in the postwar era in China. As for war reparations, China actually made efforts to obtain them in the beginning, but had to give up its right eventually. The decision-making process in the Kuomintang government was restrained by American policy and subordinated to Japanese pressure. Thus, it is not persuasive to summarize the basic principle of Kuomintang postwar policy towards Japan as returning virtue for malice.     

江村治树及其汉学研究

日本汉学一直是国际汉学研究的重镇之一,其起步之早,研究范围之广,成就之高,一直为学术界公认。日本当代著名汉学家、古文字学家、古钱币学家江村治树专致于秦汉古代史研究,学术态度严谨,学术方法多样化,学术成果丰富,本文从江村治树的生平、著作、治学方法的角度出发,试图对其汉学研究做一个较为完整的介绍和分析。     

Studies of Chiang Kai‐shek by mainland scholars since the 1980s

Chiang Kai‐shek was one of the most influential leaders of twentieth‐century China. Since the 1980s, perceptions of Chiang in mainland academic circles have been continually sharpened. As an important subject of research for the history of modern China, Chiang has increasingly emerged from the shadows as a real figure. The extent to which scholars can make an in‐depth, objective and comprehensive study of Chiang will have a direct relationship to the progress made in the study of the history of the Republic of China, the Chinese revolution, and modern and contemporary China. It will also determine the depth of our understanding of many important issues both past and present. Armed with a broader knowledge of Chiang and modern Chinese history, scholars and historians now face the larger challenge of setting the new image of Chiang in the context of the development of modern China.