新中国成立前夕苏联对华政策剖析--以苏联将使馆由南京撤至广州事件为中心

1949年1～2月间,在中国革命即将取得全面胜利之际,苏联驻华使馆却令人吃惊地追随正在逃亡的国民党政府由南京迁至广州.有关苏联驻华使馆撤离南京的真正用意,是史学界长期以来关注的焦点,同时也是部分研究成果论证苏联、斯大林本人怀疑中国革命说法的基础.实际上,苏联驻华使馆撤离事件是苏联方面采取历史上惯用的双重对华政策的必然结果,既不是苏联方面对中国革命的进程判断失误,也不是苏联方面坚持了不干涉中国内政的原则.相反,在意识形态(革命利益)和国家利益之间发生冲突的时候,苏联方面首先选择的是自身国家利益.苏联驻华使馆在新中国成立前的撤退,符合苏联的国家利益,最大限度地保护了苏联在华的政治和经济利益.客观地看,苏联驻华使馆由南京撤至广州作为外交手段捍卫国家利益本无可厚非,但从联共(布)和中共共同的革命利益出发,上述做法显然欠妥.     

Beyond win–win: rethinking China's international relationships in an era of economic uncertainty

China is the least disadvantaged major economy in the current era of global economic uncertainty. Thus it is becoming the focus of attention of its neighbours and is achieving a prominence in the world political economy unparalleled in its modern history. To a great extent, China's success is the result of ‘good neighbour diplomacy’ such as ‘win–win’ and the policies of reform and openness of the past thirty years. However, despite continuity in policy, China's ‘peaceful leap forward’ since 2008 has changed the context of its external relationships. The increasing asymmetries between China and its neighbours, as well as decreasing asymmetry with the United States, require an adjustment of win–win values beyond mutual benefit to credible reassurance. As China's neighbours become more dependent, they also become more anxious concerning their interests. Meanwhile, China's relative gain on the US requires a different kind of confidence‐building diplomacy.     

Leadership transfer in the Asian revolution: Mao Zedong and the Asian Cominform

On the eve of the victory of the Chinese revolution, Mao Zedong became interested in creating an Asian Cominform. Although Stalin agreed that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) should lead the Asian revolution and agreed in principle to the idea of an Asian Cominform, he was not in favour of immediate action. After hearing Moscow's opinion, the CCP started to train communist cadres from Asian countries. The CCP gained actual leadership of the Asian revolution after China's entry into the Korean War. Although the Asian Cominform was not formally established, China became the centre of the Asian revolution in the 1950s.     

共产国际与中国共产党早期苏维埃政权的执政实践

大革命失败后,中国共产党在共产国际的指导下确立了实行土地革命和武装起义的方针,也从此走上了建立苏维埃政权的革命道路。然而在这一时期,受共产国际"左"的教条主义和"城市中心论"思想的影响,中国苏维埃革命运动一开始就照搬苏俄革命的经验,致使各地城市暴动接连遭到失败。也正是在这一时期,经过多次城市武装起义失败教训的洗礼,越来越多的革命者开始认识到,到农村中去,到那些受过大革命风暴影响的农村中去,会有革命发展的广阔天地。这是以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党人勇敢突破共产国际的理论模式,开始探索适合中国实际的"农村包围城市、武装夺取全国政权"革命道路的实践基础和理论来源。"任何国家的革命道路问题,都要由本国的共产党人自己去思考和解决。"这段历史无疑是最鲜活的案例,折射了共产国际与中国共产党对中国苏维埃政权道路的认识歧异;同时也彰显了我们党为了救国救民,不怕任何艰难险阻,在革命斗争中坚持独立自主、一切从实际出发的伟大革命精神。     

Securing China's core interests: the state of the debate in China

As China has grown stronger, some observers have identified an assertive turn in Chinese foreign policy. Evidence to support this argument includes the increasingly frequent evocation of China's ‘core interests’—a set of interests that represents the non‐negotiable bottom lines of Chinese foreign policy. When new concepts, ideas and political agendas are introduced in China, there is seldom a shared understanding of how they should be defined; the process of populating the concept with real meaning often takes place incrementally. This, the article argues, is what has happened with the notion of core interests. While there are some agreed bottom lines, what issues deserve to be defined (and thus protected) as core interests remains somewhat blurred and open to question. By using content analysis to study 108 articles by Chinese scholars, this article analyses Chinese academic discourse of China's core interests. The authors’ main finding is that ‘core interests’ is a vague concept in the Chinese discourse, despite its increasing use by the government to legitimize its diplomatic actions and claims. The article argues that this vagueness not only makes it difficult to predict Chinese diplomatic behaviour on key issues, but also allows external observers a rich source of opinions to select from to help support pre‐existing views on the nature of China as a global power.     

Economic statecraft in China's new overseas special economic zones: soft power,business or resource security?

China's rapidly growing economic engagement with other developing countries has aroused intense debates, but these debates have often generated more heat than light. The Chinese government is clearly pushing its companies to move offshore in greater numbers, and state‐owned firms figure prominently in many of the major investments abroad. Yet relatively little research exists on when, how and why the Chinese government intervenes in the overseas economic activities of its firms. China's state‐sponsored economic diplomacy in other developing countries could play three major strategic roles: strengthening resource security, enhancing political relationships and soft power, and boosting commercial opportunities for national firms. This article examines China's programme to establish overseas special economic zones as one tool of Beijing's economic statecraft. It traces the process by which they were established and implemented, and investigates the characteristics of the 19 zones initially selected in a competitive tender process. The article concludes that even in countries rich in natural resources, the overseas zones were overwhelmingly positioned as commercial projects. Particularly in the Asian zones, China is following in the footsteps of Japan. The zone programme, and the Chinese foreign investment it hoped to foster, represents a clear case of the international projection of China's developmental state. However, in Africa (but not generally elsewhere) discourse surrounding the zones publicly positions them as a transfer of China's own development success, thus potentially enhancing China's political relationships and soft power on the continent.     

The basic structure of Chiang Kai-shek's diplomatic strategy

As a leader of the Republic of China, Chiang Kai-shek carried on Sun Yat-sen's legacy of using diplomacy as a force in the modern era and planned to rely on diplomacy to revise China's unequal treaties with foreign powers. Chiang elaborated on Sun's ideas and maintained that diplomacy as a war without battles worked more effectively than wars with battles. Faced with the threat of Japanese invasion, he upheld the strategy of using one foreign country to control another. He expected the outbreak of a war between Japan and the Soviet Union or between Japan and the United States so that a war between Japan and China could be avoided. Chiang engaged in active diplomacy aimed at turning these expectations into reality. His diplomatic strategy had an impact during the Anti-Japanese War.     

践行革命:华北土改运动中的阶级划分

阶级分析在中国共产党的革命理论和革命实践中具有不可替代的重要意义。政治意义上的阶级是同质、固化、二元对立的,强调冲突和斗争;社会意义上的阶级是异质、流动、多元互动的,强调关联和交融。近代中国的社会历史条件尚未达到“阶级对立简单化”的程度,中国共产党在领导新民主主义革命时便不得不在两种阶级图景之间艰难地寻找平衡。在解放战争时期的土地改革运动中,阶级划分的标准和程序时常与党的阶级政策相偏离,这不能简单视为政策执行中的错误或偏差,而是政策弹性和适应性的体现,从中可以发现革命实践的辩证逻辑。     

Peaceful development: China's policy of reassurance

The rise of China has aroused much concern and anxiety around the world. This has complicated China's foreign policy objective of securing a peaceful international environment for domestic reforms and development. Accordingly, reassuring the world of the benign nature of China's rise has become a central feature of China's foreign policy. This paper describes and analyses China's efforts in this regard. First, it outlines the central features of such efforts which constitute a policy of reassurance. Then it explores the major factors shaping the policy. Finally it tries to assess the result of the policy and speculate about its future development. It is hoped that this will help gain a better understanding of China's foreign policy.     

Book reviews

Books reviewed in this issue. International Relations theory Hegemony in international society. The problem of harm in world politics: theoretical investigations. The invention of International Relations theory: Realism, the Rockefeller Foundation, and the 1954 conference on theory. International law, human rights and ethics The last utopia: human rights in history. International law, security and ethics: policy challenges in the post‐9/11 world. International organization and foreign policy Humanitarianism contested: where angels fear to tread. Humanitarian intervention: a history. The future of power. A contest for supremacy: China, America, and the struggle for mastery in Asia. Conflict, security and defence Military Orientalism: eastern war through western eyes. Governance, civil society and cultural politics Women under Islam: gender, justice and the politics of Islamic law. Political economy, economics and development Global poverty: how global governance is failing the poor. Global governance, poverty and inequality. Energy, resources and environment China, oil and global politics. China's energy relations with the developing world. The Routledge handbook of energy security. Food security. History Berlin 1961: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the most dangerous place on earth. Who killed Hammarskjöld? The UN, the Cold War and white supremacy in Africa. Documents on British policy overseas, series I, volume IX: The Nordic countries: from war to Cold War, 1944–1951. All hell let loose: the world at war 1939–45. Europe The US–EU security relationship: the tensions between a European and a global agenda. Cultures of border control: Schengen and the evolution of European frontiers. Immigration and conflict in Europe. Les diplomates: derrière la façade des ambassades de France. Civic and uncivic values: Serbia in the post‐Milosevic era. Russia and Eurasia Popular support for an undemocratic regime: the changing views of Russians. Middle East and North Africa The Arab revolution: ten lessons from the democratic uprising. Iran, the Green Movement and the USA: the fox and the paradox. The other side of the mirror: an American travels through Syria. Sub‐Saharan Africa Season of rains: Africa in the world. Inventing Africa: history, archaeology and ideas. South Africa pushed to the limit: the political economy of change. Oil and insurgency in the Niger Delta: managing the complex politics of petroviolence. Consuming the Congo: war and conflict minerals in the world's deadliest place. South Asia Does the elephant dance? Contemporary Indian foreign policy. Religion, caste and politics in India. Secularizing Islamists? Jama'at‐e‐Islami and Jama'at‐ud‐Da'wa in urban Pakistan. The wrong war: grit, strategy, and the way out of Afghanistan. East Asia and Pacific Where China meets India: Burma and the new crossroads of Asia. China in 2020: a new type of superpower. From Mao to market: China reconfigured. Latin America and Caribbean The rise of Evo Morales and the MAS. From rebellion to reform in Bolivia: class struggle, indigenous liberation, and the politics of Evo Morales. Evo Morales and the Movimiento al Socialismo in Bolivia: the first term in context, 2006–2010. Latin America and global capitalism: a critical globalization perspective. Latin American foreign policies: between ideology and pragmatism.     

The limits to China's non-interference foreign policy: pro-state interventionism and the rescaling of economic governance

China's foreign policy has been long committed to a principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign countries. While one could easily point out past and present-day inconsistencies in its implementation, this article argues that defenders and critics of the principle both rely on a limited interpretation of ‘interference’ or ‘intervention’ based on an ideology of Westphalian sovereignty. Particularly problematic is the conceptual distinction between the ‘political’ or ‘diplomatic’, on the one hand, and the ‘economic’, on the other. As Polanyi's concept of embeddedness reminds us, markets, society and politics occur simultaneously, and can only act as discrete realms in epistemological abstractions. It is thus argued that non-interference is a semi-formal institution that governs China's diplomatic engagements and affects its economic activities. While the totality of China's interactions with the world has diverse and sometimes contradictory impacts on global governance, non-interference itself has apparent consequences for the rescaling of regional economic governance. Specifically, this article contends that Chinese non-interference results in the empowerment of political elites at national levels, and thus in the (re-)emergence of the nation state as a gatekeeper and facilitator of the advancement of capitalist enterprises. As a result, through non-intervention, China's foreign policy undermines supranational regulatory approaches and fosters state-based regional architectures.     

How Chinese scholars think about Chinese foreign policy

China’s assertive diplomacy in recent years has ignited intense debates among international relations (IR) scholars. Some argue that China’s assertive behaviour is rooted in its perception of increasing power and capabilities. Others suggest that it is US policies that triggered China’s assertive reactions. Relying on an original survey of China’s IR scholars conducted in Beijing in 2013 and using structural equation modelling, we empirically examine Chinese IR scholars’ attitude towards Chinese power versus the United States, their perceptions of US policy in Asia, and their preference for an assertive Chinese foreign policy. We find that both the power perception and policy reaction arguments make sense in accounting for Chinese IR scholars’ attitude regarding China’s assertive diplomacy. However, our research suggests that a more pessimistic view on Chinese power is more likely to be associated with a preference for an assertive foreign policy.     

“三党竞斗”:中共在高校中建党的背景分析

在中国革命史上,共产党、青年党和国民党纵横捭阖,在一定程度上决定了中国政党政治发展的格局和走势。而三党竞斗的一个重要交汇点,就在于争取青年学生。在此后20多年三党循环敌对和相互抗衡中,中共广泛运用思想交锋、党团制度、统一战线等斗争策略,从而确保其在国、青两党的攻击下立于不败之地。     

国际战略与中国外交

新中国的领导者虽然针对不同的对象使用不同的战略概念,但多半是选择国际战略概念表达其对外交政策方针的思考。在学术界,使用国际战略概念研究中国外交也已成为主流。因此,在新中国外交史的演变中把握中国国际战略的历史阶段,在梳理新中国政治话语中的战略语义和语境的基础上体会国际战略概念,有助于推进中国国际战略理论研究的规范化和新中国外交研究的系统化,增强中国的外交研究和国际政治研究的思想深度。     

China's New Generation of Leaders and Regional Challenges in East Asia

A pair of Hong Kong and U.S. specialists on China examines the dynamic international environment China's new leadership now faces, focusing on East Asia. They first examine the complex balance the leadership seeks to strike between: (1) China's projection of increasing economic, military, and political power internationally; (2) the primary domestic goals of economic growth and stability; and (3) rising public awareness, demand for information access, and (in some quarters) nationalism among the Chinese people. The authors then proceed, in successive sections of the paper, to assess in greater detail China's international and regional security environment, Sino-American relations, China's relations with its East Asian neighbors, and the complex interconnections between the country's domestic and foreign policy. They conclude that Sino-American relations will continue to be pivotal to Beijing's foreign relations in general and its relations with countries in the East Asian region more specifically.     

The emergence of NGOs in China and their transnational linkages: implications for domestic reform

In addressing the question of how China's rapid socioeconomic transformation is changing the nature of its international engagement we need to move beyond a traditional focus on state-centric analysis. Obviously a major stimulus for China's international engagement over the past 25 years of reform and opening has come from non-state economic activity. Growing economic interdependence, accelerated after China's accession into the World Trade Organization, provides the strongest argument in favour of a peaceful rise of China scenario in which both regional and global security are enhanced rather than threatened. Far less attention, however, has been given to the role and influence of Chinese non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and their transnational linkages. I argue in this article that in order to obtain a more comprehensive picture of China's ongoing process of reform and opening to the outside world we need to incorporate a civil society dimension into our analysis. This is of particular relevance to ongoing foreign policy debates over democracy and human rights promotion in China. Indeed, in the absence of a more detailed understanding of current developments taking place at the grassroots, international support for progressive reform runs the risk of undermining positive change from below.     

The (Ineffective) Financial Statecraft of China's Bilateral Swap Agreements

Since 2008, the People's Bank of China has signed bilateral swap agreements (BSAs) with 35 foreign central banks. Collectively, these deals amount to nearly US$ 500 billion in Chinese renminbi (RMB) available to Beijing's foreign partners. What has led China to be so aggressive in its efforts to sign so many swap agreements? What are the political economic implications of the swap programme for the US‐centric global economic order? China's BSAs can be understood as a form of financial statecraft: the use of national financial and monetary capabilities to achieve foreign policy ends. China has deployed BSAs for both defensive and offensive reasons. Defensively, Beijing has sought to use BSAs to promote trade settlement in RMB thereby reducing China's vulnerability to the dollar's structural dominance in trade. Yet, as explained in this article, they have been ineffective in this regard. Offensively, Beijing has used BSAs as a short‐term liquidity backstop outside of the Bretton Woods institutions for partner countries in need. Here, there is greater potential for BSAs to impact the status quo economic order by enhancing Chinese economic influence. However, their potential is dependent on Beijing's willingness to act as a unilateral crisis lender and its ability to further internationalize the RMB.     

From Idealism to Pragmatism: An Analysis of China's Policies toward the Middle East

After World War II, the Middle East stage attracted Beijing's attention. While Israel and China proved at that time to be too diverse, through the 1950s China made inroads with Arab countries. Egypt became the first to recognize the P.R.C., which, however, suffered rebuffs as anti-Communist forces generally prevailed in the Middle East. Beijing supported the people of Palestine. After the Soviet Union had become China's enemy, China tried to unite the Third World against the two superpowers. With Deng in 1978, China's Middle Eastern policy became more pragmatic, tilting toward the developed countries and economic cooperation rather than ideology (e.g., with Yemen). China enhanced relations with Gulf states; cooperated with the United States in supporting the Afghan mujahedin; and declared neutrality in the Iran-Iraq War, although economic alliance with Iran grew. The Gulf War affected Beijing's attitudes toward weapons technology and toward the United Nations and China's role in it. Israel is currently viewed as a channel for possible influence with the West. Overall, China's basic policy now is to watch and wait.     

发展繁荣社会主义文化的成功之路--"双百"方针、"二为"方向述论

从毛泽东到邓小平,从1956年提出"百花齐放,百家争鸣"的方针到1980年提出"文艺为人民服务,为社会主义服务"的方向,他们把马克思主义与中国革命和建设的实践相结合,制定了一套完整的社会主义文艺的总方针、总政策.在贯彻实施过程中,又根据实际情况提出"古为今用,洋为中用"等具体方针、政策、要求、办法,为中国探索出了一条发展繁荣社会主义文化的成功之路.     

救援、革命、外交——华工联合会研究

华工联合会原名中华旅俄联合会,1917年由在俄学习的中国留学生发起成立。成立以后,华工联合会对第一次世界大战时期进入俄国的华工提供了大量帮助。1918年底,华工联合会转变为“无产主义者组织”,它积极对在俄华工进行革命宣传,建立起与中国境内革命组织之间的联系,促进了中国革命事业的发展。此外,华工联合会还促成中国政府与苏维埃俄国之间进行对话,在俄中两国的外交活动中发挥了重要的作用。本文依据大量史料,追溯了旅俄华工联合会在救援、革命和外交等方面做出的卓越贡献,对华工联合会这一以往较少引人注意的华侨组织进行了深入的探讨与研究。