关于“满洲国”外交承认的几个理论问题

伪满洲国是世界反法西斯战争期间历时最长的伪政权,其控制范围也在日本、德国扶植的其他伪政权之上。伪满洲国存在期间,总计有二十余个国家和政权对其宣布承认。本文拟从多个角度深入分析伪满洲国的承认问题,以揭示围绕这个伪政权展开的国际关系的全貌,同时意在丰富对这一问题的国际法认识。     

民国道院扶乩活动辨正

道院暨世界红卍字会是民国时期著名的新兴民间宗教慈善组织。扶乩作为道院内部重要的宗教活动之一,既非当时新派激进人士所指斥的"迷信",又非与秘密教门之扶乩相类。道院的扶乩是对中国传统社会中扶乩之教化、劝善功能的继承和延续,从这一角度立论,不仅有利于探究道院之扶乩在当时的合理性和蕴含的积极社会意义,亦能深化对彼时传统文化的发展变迁脉络及社会上一般之扶乩活动的认知。     

伪满洲国的金融统治

日本在明治维新之后就觊觎中国东北的丰富资源和广阔市场,20世纪初即开始金融渗透工作,＂九一八事变＂后日本扶植伪满洲国傀儡政权,在东北建立了傀儡性金融体系。本文从伪满金融体系的经济背景、金融制度建立以及金融体系运作角度说明日本在伪满金融统治中的指挥地位,论证伪满洲国金融统治的傀儡性。     

“满洲国”承认问题与国民党的对日政策

伪满洲国成立后,日本一直设法迫使中国在事实上承认东北的傀儡政权,国民政府对此拒绝让步。《塘沽协定》的缔结,使伪满洲国和华北之间出现了所谓的缓冲区,国民政府极力淡化这一协定的政治性。山海关内外的通车、通邮谈判过程中,中日双方围绕伪满洲国的承认问题,出现了尖锐对立,日方并未达到目的。1935年以后,日本还是不断提出承认伪满的议题。蒋介石为代表的国民党又做出了让步,冻结东北问题：虽然不承认伪满,但也不谈收复东北,这种状况一直持续到1943年《开罗宣言》的发表。     

从总务制到次长制--论伪满洲国政治体制的傀儡性

日本帝国主义在伪满洲国实行“以总务厅为中心”的统治方式,以达到严密控制伪满政权的目的,通过总务制把伪满政府完全变成了傀儡。伪满洲国政权的行政运作,就是通过总务厅、次长制来实现的。在日本政府的殖民侵略下,经关东军司令官到伪国务院总务长官,总务长官到各部总务司长（次长）,各部总务司长（次长）到各省总务厅长（省次长）,由省总务厅长（省次长）再到各县参事官（副县长）,形成由上至下的殖民统治体系。     

伪满《组织法》解析

伪满洲国成立后很快构筑了基本法体系。伪满基本法中,规定政府机关职能及其相互关系的《组织法》处于核心地位。本文重点分析了《组织法》对傀儡政权的政治设计。作者认为：日本殖民者设置“参议府”是为了防止立法权和行政权出现独立的倾向;虽然《组织法》包含着权力分立的原则,但实际上立法权、监察权均是行政权的点缀;伪满政权立法迅速,但并不周详,《组织法》的个别条款存在混乱和矛盾。     

A civilized nation: Japan and the Red Cross 1877–1900

Abstract

The history of both the Red Cross and the Japanese Red Cross is based on a teleological and eurocentric narrative which is strongly shaped by national histories and focused on persons. To assume 1863 as the founding date of the Red Cross is highly debatable, considering that most national relief organisations were renamed ‘Red Cross Societies’ only in the 1880s. In this Japan is no exception, since first a Haku-Ai-Sha (Philanthropic Society) was founded in 1877 and then turned into the Japanese Red Cross Society in 1887. Japanese actors must be regarded as intrinsically motivated and active participants in the Red Cross movement who saw an ideal and a model in the Euro-American ‘way of civilisation’ and humanity. It has taken about 30 years to turn the Haku-Ai-Sha in Japan into a humanitarian society which is accepted both at home and abroad and, with its 728,507 members in 1900, which constituted the largest Red Cross Society in the world.     

伪满洲国的广播剧

伪满时期的新闻传播是中国新闻传播史上具有异样色彩的一页。当时的传播媒体主要是报纸、杂志和广播,它们的主要传播对象是当时身处东北的日本人和中国人,传播本身却受到日本殖民统治的严密控制。本文拟从当时的各种相关文献资料中,以广播剧为视角进行调查取证,梳理广播剧在伪满时期的产生、发展、形式变化的脉络,由此分析考证当时在日本统治监管下的文化传媒的实际状态,为伪满时期的新闻传播史研究提供素材。     

东北沦陷时期日本殖民政权的伊斯兰教政策

九·一八事变后,日本帝国主义侵略中国东北,建立“伪满洲国”,大肆掠夺中国东北资源,欺压、奴役中国人民。为了达到长期霸占中国东北大好河山的目的,侵略者采取种种卑劣的统治手段,以宗教为工具,进行精神控制。伊斯兰教的穆斯林,就其信徒数量来说,居东北宗教人口的第二位,且又“最团结巩固”,日本殖民政权通过拉拢东北地区伊斯兰教上层人物,来离间伊斯兰教徒与中华民族大家庭的关系,引诱他们反对、分裂中国,妄想使其成为日本帝国主义的走卒,同时又对广大穆斯林采取监视、奴役、迫害的殖民主义政策。     

日伪“中华民国维新政府”始末

日本侵华期间,在华中地区扶持建立了傀儡政权———伪“中华民国维新政府”,旨在加紧对中国进行政治、军事、经济侵略。     

伪满成立前日本的东北“自治”运动与构想

＂九一八＂事变后,日本侵略者一方面在军事上对中国东北进行武装占领,另一方面,则动用政治手段,借＂自治＂美名,制造县级亲日政权,策划从下到上的＂自治＂独立。为了进一步推动这一工作的执行,还成立了最大的组织＂自治指导部＂。与此同时,关于即将建立的伪独立国家的地方统治,也鼓吹实行县级＂自治＂。这些＂自治＂的行动与构想,构成了日本侵略中国东北的独特的一页。     

牛岛春子与“满洲”

日本侵华时期,大批日本左翼转向作家,迫于各种缘由来到中国东北,在殖民主义政权猖獗之时,他们在文坛上留下了众多的殖民主义色彩的“标识”。牛岛春子便是其中一个典型代表。她以一个“满洲国”官僚太太的身份目睹了“满洲”殖民政权的衰微,又以女性作家特有的纤细笔触诠释了统治民族眼中的异地异风异人。本文力求从历史叙述的角度揭示“左翼转向作家”牛岛春子笔下的“民族协和”景象,以资为剖析日本殖民主义政权的侵略政策提供一个历史的昭示。     

《满洲建国溯源史略》的思想史解读

《满洲建国溯源史略》为伪满国务总理郑孝胥所作,是为＂满洲国自古以来乃独立自主国家说＂寻根的＂史学著作＂。《史略》在成书的思想缘由、伪满建国史观的发挥、乃至对伪满＂三千年史＂进行考证的表述中,体现出一定的结构性特征。可以认为,对该书的解读仍具有一定的现实意义。     

上海东亚同文书院与近代日本侵华活动

东亚同书院是日本东亚同会1900—1945年间在中国上海开办的一所特殊学校,它从日本各地招收学生,学习中国语言和化。它和日本政府关系密切,受日本政府支持和管辖。它的学生以旅行调查的名义,长期在中国活动,收集中国的政治、经济、军事等情报,上报给日本政府。抗日战争期间,它的学生有的作从军翻译,有的在日伪机关服务,直接参与了侵华战争。     

隔阂与对立:战后初期上海社会中的“重庆人”与“上海人”

持久的抗日战争,从空间上将中国界分为沦陷区、大后方和中共领导的根据地,战争对沦陷区和大后方两区域民众的社会地位、自我认识,以及看待彼此的心理产生了重要影响。抗战结束后,在复员与接收背景下,伴随着国民政府在关涉收复区人切身利益的政策上的失位和举措不公的惩奸运动,复员人员与收复区民众之间发生普遍冲突,并泛化到价值观念及生活方式的对立。本应是举国欢庆胜利,收复区民众却发现自身因曾被敌伪统治,成为不具备享受胜利资格的“他者”,身份认同处于一种缺失状态。战后在上海社会中盛行的有关“上海人”与“重庆人”的讨论,即反映了这一现状。     

太平洋战争爆发后伪满的金融统制

太平洋战争爆发后,中国东北地区成为日本战争经济所需的重要战略物资的供给基地。为满足日本的战争需要,伪满政权采取了一系列金融管制措施,使得日伪在中国东北地区的金融统制较此前更加严酷。本文从统一汇兑巩固“元元等价”、统制资金促进战争产业发展、强制储蓄直接剥夺劳动收入、管制利率强迫共同融资削弱金融机构经营自主权、改革《满洲中央银行法》消除央行独立性等角度全面分析太平洋战争爆发后日伪如何强化对中国东北地区的金融统制。     

日本在伪满统治中的“自治派”与“统制派”

近代日本侵略统治伪满的思想与政策并非铁板一块,它至少存在着两个派系:既有利用“以满制满”、自治主义为手段的“自治派”,也有追求中央集权、统制主义的“统制派”。前者倾向于自下而上的自治主义,不断在地方上推进“县自治”与“保甲制”,以图在“自治”的名义下利用华人对各地展开实际操控并向上层扩大;而后者则倾向于自上而下的统制主义,期望削弱地方的权能,构建并强化“总务厅中心主义”等中央集权性政策,将伪满彻底地属国化、殖民地化。两者之间既有摩擦,也有配合,共同统一在了日本帝国主义侵略我国东北、奴役东北人民的大目标之下。     

Puppet troops revisited: A case study of the Northwestern Army during the Anti-Japanese War

After the Japanese occupation of North China at the beginning of the Anti-Japanese War, the Nationalist government adopted the strategy of using the regular army to develop the battlefield to the rear of the enemy in order to sustain a protracted war. As a result, the Northwestern Army, which was organizing anti-Japanese forces in North China, became the Nationalist government's main military force in the occupied area. However, caught between Japanese and Communist troops, the Northwestern Army surrendered to the Japanese for the purpose of self-preservation and thus became a puppet army. From a nationalist point of view, the collaborationists who covered up their self-serving motives and later defended their actions as a crooked path to national salvation had a negative image. In response to Communist expansion, the Nationalist government acquiesced in the measure of collaborating with the puppet troops to annihilate the Communists. To reinforce the battles at the front, the Nationalist government also attempted to plot anti-Japanese mutinies among the puppet troops, but its plan was never implemented. The Northwestern Army forces planned to build an alliance in order to survive as a third force both in the confrontation between the Chinese government and the Japanese army and in the confrontation between the Nationalists and the Communists. Yet, due to the tight control exercised by the Japanese in North China, it was difficult for the Northwestern Army to gain momentum as a third force. After the end of the Anti-Japanese War, the Northwestern Army had to take sides in the Civil War, and this dilemma caused its final collapse.     

Struggling: Living Conditions of Ordinary Civil Servants of Tianjin Special Municipality during the Period of the Japanese Occupation

During the period of the Japanese occupation, ordinary civil servants were the main force keeping the puppet municipal government of Tianjin functioning. In the first years of the occupation, the puppet municipal government mainly hired former civil servants who had served under the Nanjing National Government. After the situation was stable, the puppet municipal government also recruited civil servants by civil service examinations. The ranks of civil servants and the rules and regulations they observed were basically the same as those of the former National Government. Most ordinary civil servants came from the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei region, and were relatively young and well educated. They mainly relied on their salaries for their livelihood. For the first three years of the Japanese occupation they lived comfortably, because of their relatively high and stable incomes and the slow rate of inflation. After that, inflation soared, but their salaries did not increase correspondingly, therefore the living conditions of civil servants declined constantly. The Japanese puppet government exercised strict control over civil servants, physically and psychologically, and forced them to receive enslaving education. In short, they were in a distorted and struggling state both in their material life and their spiritual world.     

《满洲评论》的诺门罕战役报道

以伪满时期日方遗留文献来回顾诺门罕战役,是一个特殊且具备了相应史学意义的观察视角。伪满时期代表性期刊《满洲评论》对诺门罕战役的系列追踪报道,体现出了一种不同的新闻精神。区别于日本国内主流媒体鼓吹战争的反动姿态,《满洲评论》显然不愿违逆历史的真相而去一味迎合当局。在关东军的高压舆论管制下,该刊选择性地报告了部分诺门罕战况,并通过对战事爆发前后的周边报道提供了较为真实的历史线索,秉承了相对可信的新闻精神。