The May Fourth Movement as interpreted by the Chinese intelligentsia of the 1930s

Because of its intricate nature, the May Fourth Movement is bound to have been interpreted from a variety of angles with the passage of time. During the 1930s, the circle of Chinese intellectuals developed a diversity of interpretations that viewed the May Fourth Movement as, for example, a movement for personal liberty, an anti-feudal movement, a bourgeois cultural movement, or a movement of a quite complex character. In the meantime there also appeared the analogy of the May Fourth Movement to the Renaissance and Enlightenment. These interpretations – and analogies as well – actually imply the interpreters' own mentality and signify their own thinking. The concept of the May Fourth Movement conceived by one school of interpreters often changed with the actual needs of that school and hence turned out to be inconsistent. Nonetheless, the notions of the May Fourth Movement as fleshed out by different schools might also be seen to have something in common. Interpretations of this nature informed the essence of the May Fourth Movement and, to a further extent, displayed the trajectory and trend of history.     

Wholeness and individuality: Revisiting the New Culture Movement,as symbolized by May Fourth

Abstract

The May Fourth New Culture Movement was a “convergent historical movement,” as well as a movement with a central purport and an intrinsic wholeness. The image of a homogeneous May Fourth formed unintentionally, and was also constructed by contemporaries and later generations. By examining the connections between the 1911 Revolution and the New Culture Movement from a more macroscopic perspective, exploring whether the latter was in fact a response to external impact or a self-awakening, observing how the debate over new versus old in the early Republican era developed to the point of a “culture” war, how the two-sided efforts for radical reforms reconciled destruction and construction, the interaction between the student movement and the New Culture Movement, and other aspects, thus examining the legacy of the New Culture Movement via perceptions in the post–May Fourth era, we can see that May Fourth has become a symbol of the New Culture Movement.     

重构五四记忆:从林纾方面进行探讨

新文化运动被视为中国的文艺复兴,是整个民族精神的重新整理。在这个运动中,即或有不同意见,但在重新振兴民族精神、重建文化体系方面,实际上并没有真正意义上的反对派。换言之,在新文化运动中虽有左中右的区别,但大体上说他们都是新文化运动中一个分子,只是在某些问题上偏于激进或偏于保守,偏于守成或坚守中立。新文化运动中新旧冲突是存在的,但其性质可能并不像过去所估计的那样严重,新旧人物在某些观点上的对立、冲突和交锋,很可能只是朋友间的交锋与交集,其程度也不像后人所感觉所想象的那样严重。他们的交锋与交集,其实就是你中有我,我中有你,新中有旧,旧中有新,没有绝对新,也没有绝对旧。本文重新解读的林纾,就是这样一个人物。传统评价将他推到新文化运动的对立面,显然是一种政治考量,并不是历史本真。真实的林纾,不仅在新文化运动的谱系中占有一席之地,甚或可以说是新文化运动的前驱者之一,他并没有刻意站在新文化的对立面。     

试析五四前后的贵州社会变革思潮

五四前后的贵州社会经济状况是产生变革思想的基础,而接受新思想影响的军政人士和一大批青年学习是传播和实践变革思潮的主体,少年贵州会和学联贵州支会的活动则集中表现了这一时期贵州社会的变革思潮及其特点。     

战前日本的极端民族主义——以“国体明征运动”为中心的考察

“国体”是战前日本的民族主义的重要保证和推动力量,因此亦可称之为“国体民族主义”。与“国体”的结合,体现了日本民族主义的独特性。本文即以日本极端民族主义的典型体现——1935年的“国体明征运动”为例,指出“国体”意识形态作为共同体的一种防御机制,其作用不在于是什么,而是在于它的绝对价值特征可以用来确保民族认同、统合民众。于是每当体制有动摇之虞时就出现国体论的高潮,在这个意义上,“国体”与民族主义的结合是结构性的。     

五四运动与马克思主义在中国的传播

马克思主义于19世纪末20世纪初被介绍到中国,1917年俄国十月革命对马克思主义在中国的传播具有重要意义,但并没有立即使马克思主义在中国广泛传播。五四运动开启了马克思主义传播的新局面,五四运动后,马克思主义传入中国的途径由一条变为多条,全国各地出版的大量刊物都介绍马克思主义,所宣传的马克思主义的内容也更加丰富。五四运动后马克思主义之所以得到广泛传播,与五四运动本身有重要关系。作为五四运动导火线的巴黎和会进一步暴露帝国主义侵略殖民地半殖民地的本性,五四运动期间苏俄发表的对华宣言受到中国人民的欢迎,五四运动引起共产国际的关注,中国工人阶级在五四运动中登上历史舞台,使一些知识分子坚定了社会主义才能救中国的信念,五四运动也促进了马克思主义者群体的形成。     

论五四新文化运动时期的“自觉”思潮

“自觉”是五四新化运动的一个重要方面。在这之前,由于政治上的原因,“自觉”问题已被普遍关注,其中最有代表性的就是“爱国心”与“自觉心”的讨论。五四新化运动的自觉思潮,直承爱国心与自觉心的讨论而来。但其内容已有深化,它所关注的重心是“青年之自觉”。所谓“青年之自觉”包括三个层次的意思,即青年对于国家之自觉,青年对于社会之自觉,青年对于个人之自觉。五四新化运动所主张的“青年之自觉”,一方面从西方浪漫主义思潮中吸取了灵感,另一方面也受到了儒家“心学”传统,特别是王阳明思想的影响。     

五四的社会后果:妇女财产权的确立

五四时期形成了高涨的妇女解放思潮,但"男女平等"成为社会主导观念,最后在标举男女平权宗旨的国民党执政后,才最终修订颁行了真正实现男女平等财产权的法律。这一法律条文比民间实际情况有所"超前",因而效用性受到限制,但对社会观念及民间习俗变革起到了主导和引领作用。反映了观念、制度和习俗变革之间有一定的"超前"梯度,这是中国社会现代化变革的一个特点。     

五四"启蒙运动"说的历史考辨

在各种关于五四新文化运动的定性中,“启蒙运动”说无疑是最为常见的比附之一。事实上,最晚在20世纪20年代末30年代初,这种比附在左翼文化人中就已经较为流行。但是,并不能简单地把“启蒙运动”阐释视为“马克思主义方案”。出于现实革命斗争的需要,共产党人对“启蒙运动”说的认同是有限度的。而且,五四启蒙传统的丰富多元性决定了用“启蒙”来描述五四历史认识主体的复杂性,以及他们所阐释出的“启蒙”内涵的丰富多元性。     

论五四思想家对自杀现象的研究

自杀现象是五四转型时期一个重要的社会现象。从这些自杀现象中暴露出的种种社会弊端,比如社会的动荡、社会的黑暗、社会制度的缺陷、危险人生观的倡导等等,引起了五四思想家们的关注。他们对自杀现象作了多次讨论,分别从自杀的趋势和原因、自杀的道德和社会价值等方面进行了深入透彻的分析,并结合五四新文化运动的目标,提出了以提倡新的人生观和改造社会制度两种手段对自杀进行救济。同时,对自杀现象的研究使五四思想家深刻认识到新思潮中可能有危害人的思想的成分,绝对的怀疑主义和虚无主义使人们无所适从。他们明确提出反对这些偏向,对新文化运动的健康发展起了积极作用。     

试析殷海光晚年的五四观--以《中国文化的展望》为中心

殷海光在晚年重新审视了五四运动的成就,对五四时期的自由、民主等理念进行了相应的理性反思,进而以超越五四的姿态,主张以“道德、自由、民主、科学”为中国化建设的基本路径,其有关缺失值得适当厘清。殷海光对五四问题的关注和解读不仅直接影响了学生林毓生、张灏等人,而且至今仍具有弥足珍视的现实意义,理当置于我们的思想资源中。     

Philanthropy and revolution in Shanghai during the May 30th Movement

ABSTRACT

During the May 30th Movement of 1925, the Shanghai Provisional Society of Aid and Pacification epitomized contemporary philanthropy in Shanghai with its transitional character that combined the old with the new. On the one hand, the society inherited the organizational tradition of modern charitable groups, but on the other hand, it also came to terms with the revolutionary upsurges then occurring in China and in the international Communist movement. Inside the Provisional Society of Aid and Pacification, the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce and the Federation of Industry, Commerce, and Education led by the Chinese Communist Party maintained cautiously collaborative relations. After the disbanding of the society, the Patriotic Fundraising Meeting, a successor organization founded by the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce, soon failed, and the Chinese Communist Party launched the China Hardship Relief Society in an effort to radicalize philanthropy. Revolutionized philanthropy grew out of the development of the modern Chinese philanthropic tradition yet transcended it. Finally, proponents of these two approaches to philanthropy split after a symbiotic collaboration.     

社会时代与历史认知：70年来五四运动研究衍变评述

社会时代对于人们认识历史的活动有着强烈的影响。中华人民共和国成立70年来,随着社会的发展,思想与生活的变迁,五四运动研究也相应地经历着某些值得关注的变化。特别是在运动的性质、领导权、与传统文化及西方文化的关系及某些关键人物的评价等问题上,不同时期的社会政治状况与思想倾向均对学界的相关认识与评价发生着明显的、强烈的影响,使之随着社会时代的发展而在不断地衍变。总地看来,70年来学界对五四运动的认识是愈来愈深入,愈来愈全面了。唯物史观认为,社会意识形态是社会经济、政治及社会生活的反映。历史认识是意识形态的重要内容,现实社会状况对于历史学研究的影响或制约也相应地更为明显。人们对于五四运动认识与评价的衍变证明着这一点。     

Expanding the discursive domain of research on the New Culture Movement: An incomplete review of studies on the New Culture Movement

ABSTRACT

The discussions revolving around the common subject of the New Culture Movement have experienced a complex and convoluted history, with a discursive domain ranging from the differentiation of new and old culture, to appeals for a scientific and democratic enlightenment, to the balancing of the cultural relationship between China and the West. The New Culture tends to be regarded as development in the direction of increasing rationality, liberality, and inclusiveness, in which the pursuit of an understanding between the Chinese and Western cultures is the only path by which Chinese civilization may gain future opportunities and development.     

塑造新思想:建国前后北京与上海的“五四”纪念活动

建国前后,北京和上海都举行了规模盛大的"五四"运动纪念活动,这两次活动都不仅仅是群众性的纪念仪式,更深刻的意义在于,它一方面号召继承"五四"革命精神,表达对现实服务的方向;另一方面则书写着自"五四"运动以来中国革命胜利的历史必然性,从而确证新民主主义理论的正确性以及对中国革命和即将展开的新中国建设的指导意义,即为新中国确立了一个新的思想坐标——马克思主义、毛泽东思想。这种以"五四"为中介而实质上是为了引导和塑造新思想的纪念活动方式,成为后来"五四"纪念的传统,为社会主义意识形态确立领导地位发挥了积极的作用。     

五四时期个人观念的历史内涵

五四时期,个人观念的提出构成了反传统道德的历史性力量,个体的独立和觉醒作为现代的原则被确立下来,这标志着对传统的批评和国民性改造所能达到的历史与人性深度。当然,批判传统文化,提倡个人独立的文化运动也不能完全被个人主义话语所涵盖。五四时期的个人观念也必须被置于与民族、社会、国家的关系中加以理解,个人观念的张力性结构在五四的思想表述中是一个普遍存在的事实。     

罢市与抵货运动中的江浙商人：以“五四”、“五卅”为中心

在民国初年的民族主义运动中,商人往往表现出消极的态度和矛盾的性格。虽然我们可以发现商人民族主义意识的抬升,但是总的来看,商人在运动中多处于被动地位,其采取行动主要是为了避免更大的损失,以及保持一定的商业程序。以“五四”、“五卅”两次运动中的江浙地区来看,罢市多是在学生等的压力下得以实现,且罢市后,暗中继续营业现象依然存在。当外在干涉力量浅弱时,商家便想尽快开市。抵货运动的发起,不同行业的商人利益得失相异,故其态度便有很大的分野。一些与外商竞争营业的商人,他们常会对运动表示支持。而一些与外商合作营业的商人,则常因为运动而遭受损失,故基本上持反对态度。然而由于内在因素的制约,运动发展到一定程度,商界损失面便会扩大,而支持亦会日益减少,运动便无法继续下去。     

The neighbor as mirror: Representations of the Korean March First Movement in modern Chinese discourses of nationalism

Abstract

The outbreak of the Korean March First Movement in 1919 was followed by intensive reporting and commentary in Chinese media, presenting striking images of the brutality of the Japanese colonizers, the resolve for independence among the Korean people, and the concept of national self-determination. The March First Movement provided the Chinese people with a vivid example of the transformation of the abstract concept of “universal principles” into the practice of “national self-determination,” and strengthened consciousness of “national independence” among the Chinese people. Over the ensuing two or three decades, the “March First Movement” gradually seeped into the Chinese nationalist movement and discourses on national liberation, playing the role of “the neighbor as mirror,” and continuing to provide both positive inspiration and negative reference points for the Chinese people following the path of national independence. This linkage and interaction between “weak nations” aids in understanding the modern Chinese nationalist movement, as well as the mechanisms for development of the national independence movements among colonized peoples which swept across the globe in the early 20th century.     

民族主义与民族国家构建析论

民族主义是现代性的政治共同体意识与行动,民族主义塑造出了民族。民族主义强调他者意识,强调民族的政治权利,也强调民族内部的平等。民族主义推动了民族国家的创建。民族国家被证明优于之前的政权组织模式,因此民族主义又成为现代国家合法性的来源。民族国家创建之后,民族主义依然存在,还会以爱国主义、分离主义等形式表现出来。对那些只具备了民族国家外表而没有实现对民族国家的认同超越其他认同的国家而言,缔造或者深化民族主义在其未来的发展中显得尤为重要。     

Religion and the cultural public sphere: the case of the Finnish liberal intelligentsia during the turmoil of the early twentieth century

The political public sphere is at one and the same time both public, and private and religion operates in both the public and the private spheres in the modern way of life. This article approaches the dynamics between the cultural and the political public sphere from the point of view of religion; how the cultural intelligentsia developed its worldview fuelled with attitudes towards religion in times of political turmoil. The case study, based on the empirical analysis of cultural periodicals and societies around them, concerns the Finnish liberal intelligentsia in the early twentieth century. The first decade of the 1900s was a particularly important period of formation for the Finnish public sphere; the societal turmoil highlighted the importance of cultural periodicals in defining what was important for the national public sphere. The case of religion is an illustrative example of it, particularly from the point of view of the liberal intelligentsia of the era.