Wholeness and individuality: Revisiting the New Culture Movement,as symbolized by May Fourth

Abstract

The May Fourth New Culture Movement was a “convergent historical movement,” as well as a movement with a central purport and an intrinsic wholeness. The image of a homogeneous May Fourth formed unintentionally, and was also constructed by contemporaries and later generations. By examining the connections between the 1911 Revolution and the New Culture Movement from a more macroscopic perspective, exploring whether the latter was in fact a response to external impact or a self-awakening, observing how the debate over new versus old in the early Republican era developed to the point of a “culture” war, how the two-sided efforts for radical reforms reconciled destruction and construction, the interaction between the student movement and the New Culture Movement, and other aspects, thus examining the legacy of the New Culture Movement via perceptions in the post–May Fourth era, we can see that May Fourth has become a symbol of the New Culture Movement.     

The political commentary on May Fourth in 1950s Hong Kong and Taiwan

Abstract

“May Fourth” has long been considered a turning point for modern China, resulting in continuous heated discussion on the topic since the 1920s. These discussions not only reexamine culture but also have political intent. Many recent scholars have discussed the “ideologization” of May Fourth from the perspective of “memory politics.” They argue that “May Fourth discourse” was not only used to understand and recapture the past, but also to help one’s own cherished values occupy a core position in modern Chinese history, thus using historical interpretation to create a compass for China’s future that conforms to historical tides. From the four great philosophies of modern China, the Nationalists and Communists have incorporated May Fourth into the “Three People’s Principles” and “New Democracy,” respectively. Liberals held up democracy and science as a need for China’s future, and made efforts to propagate and practice democracy in Hong Kong and Taiwan after 1949. As for New Confucians who had continuously criticized May Fourth for being anti-tradition, they supported traditional values but also believed that democracy and science were a “priority and necessity for China's cultural development,” and hoped to use the spirit behind this ideal. They along with liberals criticized the Nationalist and Communist autocracy for departing from May Fourth ideals, and especially noted how May Fourth created fertile ground for the rise and expansion of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), “resulting in the growth of the Communist Party,” and the Nationalist government’s move to Taiwan. After 1949, Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) and the Guomindang (GMD) Nationalist Party he led primarily assessed the May Fourth Movement by synthesizing the views of the liberals and New Confucians. They highlighted the slogans of saving the nation, ethics, democracy, and science to promote ethical education and “national spirit education” as top-priority cultural policies. The focus of this article is to examine how liberals and New Confucians used the topic of May Fourth to criticize the CCP and GMD in Hong Kong and Taiwanese political commentary magazines during the 1950s (approximately 1949–1960). It also explores how the GMD synthesized liberal and New Confucian views to lay out their own position. This discourse shows how May Fourth had diverse interpretations under the context of conflict between the liberals and the New Confucians as well as Nationalists and Communists. The criticism of the ideologization of May Fourth in recent years is actually an important turning point in the scholarly study of May Fourth.     

高一涵研究的现状及今后的努力方向

高一涵研究近年来已取得重要成果,发表的论文对高一涵的启蒙思想、五四时期的政治思想、自由主义理念、人权思想、与五四运动的关系、与李大钊的关系等作了有价值的探讨.今后一个时期,高一涵研究应着重在高一涵政治思想研究、生平和活动研究、在五四时期的历史地位的研究、政治学思想研究、与五四时期历史人物关系的研究、与五四时期期刊关系的研究等六个具体领域下工夫.深化高一涵研究,使高一涵研究成为一个比较成熟的研究领域,必须注重学术研究资料的积累和搜集、研究观念的提升、研究视野的扩大、研究方法的更新、研究队伍的建设等,这是高一涵研究今后的努力方向.     

"德先生"和"赛先生"之外的关怀——从"穆姑娘"的提出看新文化运动时期道德革命的走向

Today, Mr. Democracy and Mr. Science are always invoked in the discussion of the May Fourth New Culture Movement. However, Miss Moral, who was also introduced in the later stages of the movement, is much less known. It would clearly be of interest to study the way in which “moral” became a catchword but then faded away and was forgotten. The emphasis on solidarity and patriotism, stimulated by foreign encroachment that had existed since the late Qing Dynasty, began to shift to an ethical revolution centering on individual liberation. However, after the rise of the May Fourth Movement, public attention was attracted by collectivism and nationalism again, while the appeal for individuality and ethical revolution was decayed gradually. The introduction of Miss Moral had a direct relationship with the trend of ethical revolution in the later stages of the New Culture Movement. Translated from Lishi Yanjiu 历史研究 (Historical Research), 2006, (1): 79–95     

From Academic Nitpicking to a =New Culture Movement＇： How Newspapers Turned Academic Debates into the Center of ~May Fourth＂

Abstract In early 1919, people like Hu Shi and Chen Duxiu were regarded as members of an ivory-tower ＂academic faction＂ （xuepai）, embroiled in a debate with an opposing ＂faction.＂ After the May Fourth demonstrations, they were praised as the stars of a ＂New Culture Movement.＂ However, it was not obvious how the circle around Hu Shi and Chert Duxiu was associated with the May Fourth demonstrations. This link hinged on the way in which newspapers like Shenbao reported about the academic debates and the political events of May Fourth. After compartmentalizing the debating academics into fixed xuepai, Shenbao ascribed warlord-political allegiances to them. These made the Hu-Chen circle look like government victims and their ＂factional＂ rivals like the warlords＇ allies. When the atmosphere became hostile to the government during May Fourth, Hu Shi＇s ＂faction＂ became associated with the equally victimized May Fourth demonstrators. Their ideas were regarded as （now popular） expressions of anti-government sentiment, and soon this was labeled the core of the ＂New Culture Movement.＂ The idea and rhetoric of China＇s ＂New Culture Movement＂ in this way emerged out of the fortuitous concatenation of academic debates, newspaper stories, and political events.     

塑造新思想:建国前后北京与上海的“五四”纪念活动

建国前后,北京和上海都举行了规模盛大的"五四"运动纪念活动,这两次活动都不仅仅是群众性的纪念仪式,更深刻的意义在于,它一方面号召继承"五四"革命精神,表达对现实服务的方向;另一方面则书写着自"五四"运动以来中国革命胜利的历史必然性,从而确证新民主主义理论的正确性以及对中国革命和即将展开的新中国建设的指导意义,即为新中国确立了一个新的思想坐标——马克思主义、毛泽东思想。这种以"五四"为中介而实质上是为了引导和塑造新思想的纪念活动方式,成为后来"五四"纪念的传统,为社会主义意识形态确立领导地位发挥了积极的作用。     

A study of the origins of the Chinese communist movement from a new perspective – The History of the Establishment of the Chinese Communist Party by Ishikawa Yoshihiro

From around the time of the Opium War to the May Fourth New Culture Movement, democracy in China advanced through four stages. Originally it surfaced as a germ of rough ideas gleaned from imported knowledge; from there, democracy transpired gradually via various avenues towards a more sophisticated level in the period from the Second Opium War until before the Sino–Japanese War of 1894–1895 and meanwhile a number of individuals favoring utilitarianism opted for a constitutional monarchy as a way of making the nation strong. Then, following the Sino–Japanese War 1894–1895 until prior to the 1911 Revolution, when manifold Western ideas of democracy penetrated China, people embarked on somber discussions about what kind of democratic system China actually needed to adopt. During the years between 1912 and the May Fourth New Culture Movement, people initially rushed to build democratic politics but afterwards began to examine the ideologies and social structures that demonstrated compatibility with democracy. By the time the May Fourth Movement emerged, people hardly disagreed on the sense of democracy that they understood. After the May Fourth Movement people mainly focused their attention on the question of true and false democracy or the matter of what type of democracy harmonized best with national conditions in China.     

Was the enlightenment a continuous process from the late Qing to the May Fourth period?

ABSTRACT

Intellectual development from the late Qing to the 1911 Revolution and then to the May Fourth New Culture Movement was generally a continuous process despite various ambivalent and hesitant zigzags. Within this overall continuity, new elements became salient. The new policies promulgated by the republican government soon after the success of the 1911 Revolution created an institutional legacy that gave previously marginal ideas enough legitimacy to enter the mainstream. Changes in “background culture” also resulted in many new themes associated with May Fourth, though these themes were ostensibly similar to those in the late Qing period. The enlightenment of May Fourth endowed the “future” with positive values so that a future-oriented perspective became a fashionable trend in this period.     

五四的社会后果:妇女财产权的确立

五四时期形成了高涨的妇女解放思潮,但"男女平等"成为社会主导观念,最后在标举男女平权宗旨的国民党执政后,才最终修订颁行了真正实现男女平等财产权的法律。这一法律条文比民间实际情况有所"超前",因而效用性受到限制,但对社会观念及民间习俗变革起到了主导和引领作用。反映了观念、制度和习俗变革之间有一定的"超前"梯度,这是中国社会现代化变革的一个特点。     

社会时代与历史认知：70年来五四运动研究衍变评述

社会时代对于人们认识历史的活动有着强烈的影响。中华人民共和国成立70年来,随着社会的发展,思想与生活的变迁,五四运动研究也相应地经历着某些值得关注的变化。特别是在运动的性质、领导权、与传统文化及西方文化的关系及某些关键人物的评价等问题上,不同时期的社会政治状况与思想倾向均对学界的相关认识与评价发生着明显的、强烈的影响,使之随着社会时代的发展而在不断地衍变。总地看来,70年来学界对五四运动的认识是愈来愈深入,愈来愈全面了。唯物史观认为,社会意识形态是社会经济、政治及社会生活的反映。历史认识是意识形态的重要内容,现实社会状况对于历史学研究的影响或制约也相应地更为明显。人们对于五四运动认识与评价的衍变证明着这一点。     

同乡、同门、同事、同道:社会交往与思想交融——《新青年》主要撰稿人的构成与聚合途径

五四新思潮的核心力量,是以《新青年》杂志为阵地和纽带而结合形成的一批知识分子和青年学生;他们经由地缘、师友、革命同道以及思想主张的相互吸引与呼应等几种途径聚合而成新文化阵营。新思潮核心力量的聚合与分化,反映了五四时期中国知识分子新旧杂糅,政治主张对立歧异而思想观念相互交融的复杂性。在发动新文化运动的过程中,它本身也经历了由依赖同乡、同门、同事等传统的社会人际关系向以思想主张一致为基础的新型社会交往方式的转变。新思潮核心力量是一联合阵营,但并非一个具有严密组织的政治团体,在五四新文化运动的高潮之后,它的分裂与重组势所必至。     

1919 in dynamic East Asia: March First and May Fourth as a starting point for revolution

Abstract

The March First Movement and the May Fourth Movement are like mirrors reflecting each other’s relationship. This article uses the concept of “simultaneity” in global history to reevaluate the significance of both events in world history. It also examines the differences exhibited by the simultaneity of the two events from the perspective of an “interconnected East Asia.” After entering the world-system, imperial Japan, semi-colonial China, and colonial Korea occupied different positions within its hierarchical structure. Here we need to pay attention to the status-diverse but mutually influential conditions in East Asia. To see through the complexity of (semi)colonial modernity and find the inherent opportunities to overcome modernity, it is useful to analyze the “double project” of adapting to modernity and overcoming modernity. Since the 1920s, the two events have been continually reinterpreted in the vein of socio-historical changes. The question of how to remember the two is not only a historical question but also a practical question for the present. Now is truly the methodological turning point in exploring and reinterpreting the two events. The author will use the terms “March First Revolution” and “May Fourth Revolution” in an attempt to tackle this issue. The mass gatherings that took place during March First and May Fourth provide sufficient evidence to support the use of “revolution” to describe them. Although March First and May Fourth are part of two respective histories of Korea and China, at the same time they are part of East Asia’s and the world’s interconnected history.     

留英学生与五四新文化运动——以《太平洋》杂志为中心

五四时期留英学生的思想活动鲜见论者讨论.本文以留英学生1917年初创刊于上海的<太平洋>杂志为中心,讨论其同人群体及其文化思想和教育主张.作为留英学界的一股知识力量,<太平洋>同人所提供的新思想观念,对于五四新文化运动具有积极推动和引导作用,这与以<新青年>作为运动的指导力量并无二致.但<太平洋>的思想背景有着浓厚的英伦调和主义色彩.     

关于《新青年》对妇女问题探索的历史考察

在五四妇女解放思潮的兴起与发展的过程中,《新青年》起了至关重要的作用.《新青年》对妇女问题的探索,可以分为发生期、发展期和深入期三个不同阶段.三个不同阶段各有其特点,共同推动了五四妇女解放思潮的兴起与发展.这三阶段的演进过程,鲜明地反映了《新青年》对时代主题的新思考、新选择,以及在对历史反思中和在新思潮影响下,价值取向的新确立.     

民国时期的日书汉译

在中国近代翻译史上,自甲午至抗战前夕,汉译日书数量一直处于各语种译书之领先地位。晚清之际,这一领先地位居于压倒性优势。民国初期,受国家政局的影响,出版业整体衰落,汉译日书事业亦大大退步。五四时期杂志繁荣而图书冷淡。战前十年堪称民国出版业的黄金十年,也是日书汉译的鼎盛时期。近代以来,中国人对翻译日书一直存有某种矛盾心态:一方面认为通过日本学习西方文化,因经过去粗取精的中间环节,可以力省效速;另一方面,又觉得西方文化被日本人咀嚼过后,难免掺和着日本文化的唾沫,难得西方文化的本相和真传。清末之际,尚处蒙昧状态和急于求成的中国人大多怀着前一种心态;五四以后,已被初步启蒙的中国人渐渐倾向后一种心态。在前一种心态下,认为游学之国,西洋不如东洋,译西书不如译东书。在后一种心态下,留学西洋与留学东洋有镀金与镀银之分;转译东书远不如径译西书。     

“The Old New-Intellectuals” in the May Fourth New Cultural Movement*

During the May Fourth New Cultural Movement, three debates on new/Western and old/Chinese cultures were respectively carried out between the journal New Youth and Lin Qinnan, Chen Duxiu and Du Yaquan, as well as Zhang Dongsun and Fu Sinian. New Youth, Chen Duxiu and Zhang Dongsun were regarded as the “new school,” whereas their opponents “the old new-intellectuals.” The difference between them lies in their attitudes towards traditions instead of their new or old knowledge. After three heated debates, New Youth won a total victory in big cities, because the so-called “urban youths” needed a radical cultural reform plan and a simple guide for action. On the contrary, “town youths” who lived in small cities and towns did not care about the attitudinal difference of two sides. They paid more attention to absorbing new knowledge from both sides and were more sympathetic to tradition.     

陈独秀与文字改革

作为五四时期文字改革的先驱者之一,陈独秀的文字改革思想与实践在当时产生了重要影响。他赞成在中国传播世界语,但明确反对废除汉语,反对以世界语代替汉语;他同意废除繁难的汉字,代之以简易的拉丁化拼音文字,并亲自制订拼音文字方案;他对文字改革的长期性有着充分的认识,积极探寻汉字改良的途径。陈独秀对文字改革的探索,有其时代的局限性,但其勇于探索、孜孜以求的忘我精神,其改革方案中蕴藏的思想价值,都使之成为中国百年文字改革历史上值得记述的改革者之一。     

2O世纪3O年代科技兴农试验：定县猪种改良

五四新化运动后,科学主义、科技兴国的思想在中国渐为流传,但如何付诸实践,这是一个尚待探索的问题。20世纪二三十年代,晏阳初先生在定县进行的平民教育运动体现了他利用科学技术改造中国农村的志向、总体构想和实践,真正体现了“五四”之后中国知识分子开始把国外先进的科学技术应用于农村的开拓精神。我们选择了猪种改良这个角度,考察平教会是如何踏踏实实地进行科技下乡、改造农村落后面貌的。我们认为,晏阳初的这一思想和实践具有重要的历史价值。     

语境、政治与历史：义和团运动评价50年

百年以来,占支配地位的对义和团的评价意见,主要不是来自学术本身,而是源于对中国现状与未来走向的观察与判断。整个20世纪,人们据以言说义和团的语境发生了多次深刻变迁：从五四时期反传统启蒙语境到2040年代的反帝国主义救亡语境,从50-60年代的反西方冷战语境到80年代的反封建新启蒙语境,再至90年代的反激进新保守主义语境,大体可以看作指导义和团评价的语境变迁史。语境不同,义和团这一历史事件的面貌也在不断变动。21世纪初叶,中国仍将处在义和团暴动所提出的问题的覆盖之下,对义和团的研究与评价,仍将难以完全摆脱以民族主义为主要内容的政治的制约。     

论五四新文化运动时期的“自觉”思潮

“自觉”是五四新化运动的一个重要方面。在这之前,由于政治上的原因,“自觉”问题已被普遍关注,其中最有代表性的就是“爱国心”与“自觉心”的讨论。五四新化运动的自觉思潮,直承爱国心与自觉心的讨论而来。但其内容已有深化,它所关注的重心是“青年之自觉”。所谓“青年之自觉”包括三个层次的意思,即青年对于国家之自觉,青年对于社会之自觉,青年对于个人之自觉。五四新化运动所主张的“青年之自觉”,一方面从西方浪漫主义思潮中吸取了灵感,另一方面也受到了儒家“心学”传统,特别是王阳明思想的影响。