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The years 1396–1399 were critical ones in terms of European and English politics alike and, concomitantly, in the course of the Great Schism of the West. England's attitude to the Schism at this time has hitherto been considered primarily from a presupposition of Richard II's own attitude and authority and as an aspect of European politics. An examination of the direct relationship between Richard II and both the Urbanist papacy and the English Church raises some doubts about the extent of his authority in ecclesiastical affairs both before and after his emphatic reassertion of his prerogative in 1397. Particular consideration is given to his personal view of his proper interest. A discussion of the effect of royal policy on the English Church, especially in respect of the episcopate, suggests that, both in practice and in theory, his influence, whilst strong, rested on co-operation as much as coercion, and the nature of the Anglo-papal concordat of November 1398 is reconsidered in this light. It is suggested that greater stress should be laid on the spiritual considerations which weighed with all parties at the time alongside those of a more familiar secular kind.  相似文献   

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This paper is about the role of trust, testimony and direct observation in the making of maps and about the ways in which these issues were apparent in the mapping of the Niger River. By the late eighteenth century, the Niger River was a two‐thousand‐year‐old geographical problem. Although classical writers, Arab geographers and French authorities had produced maps of the river, its direction of flow was not confirmed by direct observation until 1796 when the explorer Mungo Park did so. Yet Park solved only one part of the problem, and he died in 1805 while attempting to solve the remaining question: where did the river end? This question was not answered by direct observation until 1830. By then, however, the ‘Niger problem’ had been resolved, and the solution mapped, by two early nineteenth‐century geographers who had charted the river's course without travelling to Africa. Attention is also paid to the maps that first presented the Niger's termination on the basis of field observation. What all this evidence raises is the question of trust in others' testimony and the role of travel and direct observation in the production of maps as ‘truthful’ documents in the late Enlightenment.

Cet article concerne le rôle de la confiance, du témoignage et de l'observation directe dans l'établissement des cartes ainsi que la manière dont ces questions se manifestaient dans la cartographie du fleuve Niger. A la fin du XVIIIe siècle, le Niger était un problème géographique vieux de 2000 ans. Bien que les auteurs antiques, les géographes arabes et les autorités françaises aient produit des cartes de ce fleuve, la direction de son cours ne fut confirmée par l'observation directe qu'en 1796 grâce à l'explorateur Mungo Park. Encore Park ne résolut‐il qu'une partie du problème et mourut en 1805 alors qu'il tentait de résoudre la question restante: o[ugrave] le fleuve finissait‐il? On ne répondit à cette question par l'observation directe qu'en 1830. Dès lors, cependant, le ‘problème du Niger’ était résolu et sa solution cartographiée par deux géographes du début du XIXe siècle qui avaient dressé la carte du cours du fleuve sans voyager en Afrique. Nous prêtons également attention aux premières cartes qui ont montré le cours inférieur du Niger sur la base d'observation de terrain. Tout ceci met en évidence la question de la confiance dans le témoignage d'autrui et le rôle du voyage et de l'observation directe dans la production des cartes comme documents fidèles à la fin du siècle des Lumières.

Dieser Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit der Bedeutung von Vertrauen in vorliegende Informationen, die Rolle von Beweisen und von unmittelbarer Beobachtung bei der Kartenherstellung und damit, wie sich diese Aspekte in der Kartierung des Nigerflusses niederschlagen. Am Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts war die Frage nach der geographischen Lage des Nigerflusses schon zweitausend Jahre alt. Auch wenn klassische Autoren, arabische Geographen und französische Autoritäten Karten des Flusses hergestellt hatten, so konnte seine Fließrichtung doch erst 1796 durch die persönliche Beobachtung des Entdeckers Mungo Park bestimmt werden. Allerdings löste Park nur den ersten Teil des Problems und starb 1805 bei der Suche nach dem Mündungsgebiet des Flusses. Diese Frage konnte nicht vor 1830 durch unmittelbare Beobachtung geklärt werden. Dann allerdings war das Niger‐Problem gelöst und das Ergebnis in Karten niedergelegt. Dies gelang zwei Geographen des frühen 19. Jahrhunderts, die den Verlauf des Niger zeichneten ohne nach Afrika zu reisen. Zusätzlich werden in diesem Beitrag die Karten behandelt, die später die Nigermündung erstmals auf der Grundlage von Feldarbeit darstellten. Was alle diese Zeugnisse nahelegen, ist die Frage nach dem Vertrauen in anderer Leute Aussagen und die Bedeutung von Reisen sowie von unmittelbarer Beobachtung bei der Herstellung von wirklichkeitsnahen Karten in der späten Aufklärung.

El artículo trata sobre el papel de la veracidad, del testimonio y del reconocimiento sobre el terreno en la construcción de mapas y sobre las vías en las que estas cuestiones fueron evidentes en los mapas del río Níger. Al final del siglo XVIII, el río Níger constituía un problema geográfico que se remontaba a 2000 años. Aunque los escritores clásicos, geógrafos árabes y autoridades francesas habían hecho mapas del río, la dirección de su corriente no fue confirmada hasta el reconocimiento del explorador Mungo Park en 1796. Pero Park resolvió sólo una parte del problema y murió en 1805 cuando trataba de resolver el resto, es decir, donde terminaba el río. Esta cuestión no fue resuelta por reconocimientos sobre el terreno hasta 1830. Sin embargo, para entonces ‘el problema del Níger’ había sido solucionado sobre un mapa por dos geógrafos de principios del siglo XIX que cartografiaron el curso del río sin viajar a África. Se señalan también los primeros mapas que presentaron el diseño completo del Níger, basados en observaciones sobre el terreno. Todas estas evidencias plantean la cuestión de la veracidad del testimonio de los otros y del papel del viaje y del reconocimiento sobre el terreno, en la producción de los mapas en tanto que documentos ‘verdaderos’ a finales del siglo XVIII.  相似文献   

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Rachid Akbal is a French-born Algerian playwright, director and actor whose company, ‘Le temps de vivre’, took up residence at the Théâtre de Belleville in Paris in 2012 to perform his Trilogie Algérienne (three plays with a loosely autobiographical element: Baba la France, Ma mère l'Algérie and Alger, Terminal 2). On 19 March 2012, to mark the 50th anniversary of the first day of the ceasefire between Algeria and France, Akbal held an open evening at the theatre. The first half offered a run-through of the history between France and Algeria. The second half was a more personal, lyrical narrative of what the date represented for Akbal; unpublished elsewhere, Akbal has given permission for it to be reproduced here. In its hour-long performance, the narration was accompanied by sounds (natural elements, gunfire and sirens, and music), and at the end the lights went up and Akbal took a seat on stage, to begin a half-hour discussion with the audience. In so doing, Akbal created a discreet space of remembrance which allowed interested parties to come together in collective commemoration. Setting theorisations of cultural memory in dialogue with commentaries published during the commemorative period, this article sets up a framework to interrogate the possibilities of personal and collective remembrance offered by Akbal's event, opening these up via publication of the text and analysis of it as a ‘memory space’.  相似文献   

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Where much research focuses on comic and playful elements in César Aira's work, or on the forms of Aira's literature and its relationship with Argentine or Latin American literary tradition, this paper constructs a political reading of Aira's novel Ema, la cautiva. I consider the historical circumstances of the periods in which Aira set and published his novel (immediately prior to the culminating episode in the Conquest of the Desert in 1879 and during the military government of 1976–1983 when references to the Conquest of the Desert were utilised to justify the ‘dirty war’) to argue that, although Aira's ironic mode of writing makes the development of parallels between historical periods fraught with difficulty, the novel contains a latent critique of the military government, of the dirty war and of Peronist economic policies prior to the coup of 1976. Additionally, I argue that Ema, la cautiva contains a political critique of the arguments for the capitalist system at its inception and that the novel can be read together with the work of Deleuze and Guattari to explore the development of capitalism and expose the apparent freedoms gained through it as allusive and as substitutes for a new type of subjection.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

By 1970, the United States had undergone a remarkable volte-face on dealing with People's Republic of China as a nuclear weapon state, from outspoken opposition to political recognition. Aware of the importance of co-opting Beijing in the emerging multipolar order, President Richard Nixon sought any possible opening to the Chinese leadership. One secret backchannel passed through Bucharest, whom Washington rewarded with sensitive atomic assistance for its good offices. If in the mid-1960s dealing with China was regarded as detrimental to the cause of non-proliferation, by the early 1970s, the United States relaxed its nuclear exports policy towards useful adversaries, such as Romania, all in pursuit of geopolitical interests.  相似文献   

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