新加坡中华总商会与1963年新加坡对日不合作运动

二战后英国出于冷战的考量和为了换取日本在其东南亚殖民地的财产,在旧金山媾和时放弃了其东南亚殖民地对日本的赔偿要求,使得1962年初因发现日本占领新加坡期间被屠杀的华人遗骸而引发的对日追讨血债的行动困难重重。新加坡中华总商会在日本政府一再拖延的情况下,发动了对日不合作运动,公布了14项实施办法。此运动的发动及其影响,使日方深切地感受到新加坡在其对外贸易中的重要性,并成为《日本国与新加坡共和国之间1967年9月21日协定》顺利签订的主要原因之一。     

20世纪五六十年代的东南亚华侨问题与美国对华遏制政策

中国革命的胜利以及中美对抗格局的形成,使原已存在的东南亚华侨问题更加复杂。美国旋即从遏制中国的角度介入该问题,并制定了详尽的政策。例如,鼓励台湾当局争取华侨支持;排斥中国在华侨教育中的影响;鼓吹“中国威胁论”,破坏中国与东南亚国家的关系;充分发挥香港在华侨政策中的独特作用;等等。1960年,美国又根据形势发展,调整了它对东南亚华侨的政策。但是,不管美国的政策如何变化,其遏制中国的基本目标却始终如一。     

辛亥遗产与南洋华侨抗战之精神动力

1931-1945年日本侵华时期,南洋华侨精英以辛亥革命为资源、以双十国庆为契机,广泛开展救国宣传和社会动员,发表政见和救国主张,在激发侨胞爱国情怀、增强侨众凝聚力方面发挥了不可低估的作用。此过程既强化了辛亥记忆,传承了革命精神,也使辛亥遗产成为华侨参与抗战的重要精神动力。     

抗战时期东南亚华侨在西南大后方的投资

抗战时期中国经济遭到严重破坏,在国民政府的吸引和爱国热情的激发之下,东南亚广大华侨积极回国投资支援大后方建设,为抗战的胜利作出了重要的贡献。本文对东南亚华侨在"大后方"投资的情况作了基本概述,对其投资的原因以及侨资企业的最后走向作了简单地探析,最后总结了其对"大后方"投资的意义。     

抗战时期的国民参政员对海外华侨的统战思想

国民参政会是抗战时期的一个统一战线组织,华侨是中国抗战的重要力量,因此,每届国民参政会,针对如何团结华侨问题都有大量的提案。在太平洋战争爆发以前,提案的主题主要围绕怎样发动华侨支持抗战而展开;在太平洋战争爆发以后,提案的主题主要转变为怎样支持华侨及准备支持华侨的复员工作。本文主要分析国民参政员在这两个不同的时期关于华侨问题提案的特点以及参政员对华侨统战思想侧重点的变化。     

The East Asian War and trade between Kyushu and Southeast Asia in the late sixteenth century: Centered on Katō Kiyomasa's trade with Luzon

Abstract

This article uses Japanese, Chinese, and Western European sources to discuss the plan of the main Japanese general Katō Kiyomasa 加藤清正 to trade with Luzon in the course of the war to invade Korea in the 1590s. In December 1593, Katō Kiyomasa sent a letter from Korea to his territory of Higo directing them to send one of his “Tang boats” to import large quantities of goods such as wheat and silver. At the time, Tang boats were generally used for long-distance routes, and wheat was one of the main goods imported from Japan to Luzon, so this Tang boat may have been sent to Luzon 呂宋. As the East Asian War dragged on, Katō Kiyomasa was very worried about lacking munitions (particularly gunpowder), so he planned on using profits from the Luzon trade to supplement the ever-growing military expenses.

In late-sixteenth-century East Asia, military consumables such as lead and saltpeter were mainly imported through three routes to Japan: the Portuguese Macau–Nagasaki trade, the Chinese smuggler Fujian–Kyushu trade, and the relay trade from China or Southeast Asia through Luzon to Kyushu. However, around 1593, due to the impact of the East Asian War, munitions imported from China to Luzon fell sharply, and the Spanish were also faced with a lack of munitions. On the other hand, while Japan's gold demand as a means of making military expenditures was surging, Katō Kiyomasa certainly planned on importing gold from Luzon and using this to gather munitions like lead and saltpeter in the Japanese domestic market. In addition, starting in the 1590s, apart from Luzon, Japanese merchant ships also started visiting mainland parts of Southeast Asia and trading with them, showing that the red-seal ship trade of the early seventeenth century had origins in the late sixteenth century.     

抗日战争时期旅日中国留学生的救亡活动

抗日战争是一场中华民族的抵抗日本侵略的战争,中华民族的各个组成部分都为最后的胜利做出了自己的贡献。当时旅居于日本的中国留学生与中国国内的各界民众一样,曾以旺盛的民族精神,积极投身于创办反战报刊、搜集日军情报、发展抵抗组织等爱国抗日活动,这些活动成为以国共两党为中心的抗日民族统一战线的一支重要海外策应力量。     

‘The Danger is Two-Fold’: Decolonisation and Cold War in Anti-Communist Asia, 1955–7

This article examines the intersection between the Cold War and decolonisation in anti-Communist Asia in the 1950s. Drawing on the papers of former South Korean President Syngman Rhee housed at Yonsei University, the article explores both the motivations behind as well as the constraints upon South Korea's efforts to cultivate a military alliance in what it called ‘Free Asia’. Articulating some of the concrete political differences between South Korea and its potential partners in Asia, the article argues that Rhee's hardline views of the Cold War were interwoven with his ambivalence about Japan's reintegration in the post-war world. As a result of this intersection between the Cold War and decolonisation, the South Korean President was unable to achieve consensus with the rest of anti-Communist Asia. In exploring this chapter of South Korean diplomacy, the article calls on Cold War diplomatic history to integrate non-Communist Asia and for the historiography of decolonisation to investigate the legacies of Japan's empire in post-war Asia. It also suggests that scholars ought to reflect more deeply on the interrelationship between the Cold War and decolonisation.     

太平洋战事前后国民政府救济难侨的活动

太平洋战事爆发前后,大批旅居南洋一带的侨胞为躲避战乱纷纷撤退归国。国民政府在财政极端困难的情况下,对归国难侨给予了积极的救济。在整个救济归国难侨的过程中,粤、闽、滇、桂等省在中央的指导与支持下,对于归国难侨、侨生以及国内的侨眷采取了积极的救济措施。太平洋战事爆发前后各地救济归国难侨的活动反映了政府在处理紧急事件方面开始有了一定的经验,同时也是抗战期间中华民族共同抵御外侮的团结互助精神的集中体现。     

1924-1945年国民党海外部与侨务工作考论

针对目前学术界在民国侨务政策、侨务工作方面的研究对象主要是侨委会,对于海外部仅粗略涉及的现状,依据相关档案及其它文献资料,对国民党海外部的沿革、职能、其侨务工作实绩及与侨务委员会之间的关系等方面做了分析和阐述。认为国民政府的侨务委员会与国民党海外党部从党政两个权力系统推展侨务工作,二者分工合作,相辅相成。抗战前,以侨委会为主;抗战爆发后,特别是太平洋战事发生以及日本推行南进政策后,以海外党部为代表的党务系统在侨务工作中发挥了更大的作用。     

新加坡中华总商会与亚洲华商网络的制度化

新加坡中华总商会在亚洲华商网络的制度化中有重要的作用 ,从总商会的纵向联系和横向交往看 ,它是联接东南亚和东亚华商网络的关键性枢纽。这一组织在建构海外华人社会与商业网络过程中不断地发展 ,逐渐成熟的制度化的华商网络对 2 0世纪海外华人社会及其与中国的互动关系有着深刻的影响 ;与此同时 ,它也成为本土化、区域化和全球化进程中的不可或缺的环节     

郑和下西洋与东南亚华侨华人

根据笔者实地考察,东南亚至少有15个郑和寺庙和近30个有关郑和的传说。它们反映了早期南洋中国移民的生活状况、他们与当地妇女的通婚、华侨宗教信仰的特点以及华侨华人在中外文化交流中所发挥的重要的桥梁作用。东南亚华人纪念郑和活动的特点是“四个结合”,即将纪念郑和与继承中华传统文化、吸收定居国文化相结合,与宣扬祖籍国和定居国的友好关系相结合,与发扬华人创业精神相结合以及与争取华族正当权益、促进族群和睦、繁荣当地经济相结合。虽然郑和在东南亚影响很大,但海外对郑和的了解仍十分有限,因此,在海外全面、深入地介绍郑和任重而道远。     

二十世纪初东南亚华侨中介商经济地位新探

中介商是近代东南亚华侨的重要经济力量。在 2 0世纪初 ,东南亚各地区华侨中介商的经济实力是不一样的 ,由于受西方殖民统治者的压迫 ,以及当地土著居民经济状况的制约 ,华侨中介商所处的经济地位是被动的 ,他们的经济发展是不稳定的。     

Two flags in the sand: anti-Communism in early Cold War Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT

This article reveals how the Cold War impinged upon not just national, but local political considerations and became woven into communal narratives. It contributes to the examination of religion in the conflict, adds to the historiography of Britain and the Cold War, and provides a context by which British Cold War experience and responses can be assessed. With Northern Ireland’s political similarities to Great Britain, its consistency with European norms and its overlaps with popular sentiment in the United States, Northern Ireland offers a gauge to better understand the nature of anti-Communism in the Cold War’s first decade and offers an unexplored perspective on the conflict.     

Has the Cold War returned to East Asia?

The rise of a non-democratic China as the world ‘s second largest economy, still officially subscribing to Communism or ‘Socialism with Chinese characteristics’ as its ideology1^?1 In Xi Jinping's first speech as the new Chinese leader, after assuming his position as Party Secretary at the 18^th Party Congress in November 2012, he declared that, “we will ensure that our Party will remain at the core of leadership in advancing the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics”. Xinhua report on 19 November 2012. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2012cpc/2012-11/19/content_15939817.htm. By adopting the term “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” – zhongguo tese de shehui zhuyi, the Chinese Communist Party has argued that it has not abandoned socialism by introducing foreign capital and the opening up the Chinese economy to market forces. See for example a report on Deng Xiaoping's remarks to visiting Japanese delegation in 1984, “Build Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” People's Daily, 30 June 1984. http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/c1220.html., has raised the spectre of the return of the Cold War to Asia with the United States and China on opposing sides, with China backed by Russia, its former Cold War ally. But to what extent are there historical parallels between the Cold War and the current East Asian international relations system?     

Cold War heritage and the planned community: Woomera Village in outback Australia

The heritage of the Cold War is attracting increasing international interest. Much of that revolves around technological legacies; less attention has been paid to the community infrastructure which supported defence research, weapons testing and military installations. Security and operational logistics meant that research and development was conducted not only in restricted settings but also in often geographically remote situations. An archetypal example is the Woomera Rocket Range in outback South Australia, where long-range weapons were trialled from 1947 under a joint project between the British and Australian governments. Woomera Village, established as a planned residential facility to support personnel employed on the Range, survives today in a similar role, but with a population greatly diminished from its late-1960s heyday. This paper introduces the Village against the backdrop of Cold War heritage and spatial planning ideology, surveys its raison d’être and growth as a Cold War town, and considers its modern-day status as a heritage place and sustainable community.     

Positioning in the Cold War – Swedish and Danish History Textbooks and the Totalitarianism Doctrine. Historical Cultures in Comparison

The Nordic countries Sweden and Denmark have a long and intertwined history. The Second World War, though, formed different experiences in the two countries that led to diverging paths in the Cold War. Denmark became a member of North Atlantic Treaty Organization, while Sweden stayed non-aligned. Thus, it can be assumed that Denmark was more likely to adopt Western foreign policies and doctrines than Sweden. Or was it? On a programmatic political level this may have been the case, but what about cultural perceptions developed in Swedish and Danish ‘minds of men’? Is there a tension between les évenéments and les longues durées?

The underlying assumption in this article is that there is a contradiction and a tension between the programmatic political level and historically-inherited enemy images, and that this tension may be studied through the concept of totalitarianism and its position in the historical cultures of Sweden and Denmark in the post-war era. The totalitarianism doctrine was one of the main ideological weapons during the Cold War, serving as a basis for the Truman doctrine. It implies that Nazism and Soviet communism shared common features and may be subsumed under the same label. But would a Dane find it reasonable to view the Red Army, which belonged to the Allies which liberated his or her country, as of ‘the same kind’ as the German occupants? And would it make sense to a Swede to stay neutral to Soviet Russia, the historical enemy? The one who for a Swede is ‘the other’ might for a Dane appear as a historical ally.

The empirical sources are history textbooks for senior secondary school students, studied as artefacts of national historical cultures.     

Beyond the carrot and stick: the political economy of US military aid to China, 1945–1951

By applying the rent-seeking assumption and sifting through both the archival materials and published historical documents, this article revisits the US–China relationship during the Chinese Civil War (1946–1949) and the early Cold War period, when the United States was caught in the conundrum of aiding the Chinese Nationalists led by Chiang Kai-shek. As military aid is usually regarded as an important representation of broader economic aid, this research mainly concentrates on the US military assistance to postwar Nationalist China. This topic is important, as it signifies a direct American involvement in the Chinese Civil War, when the influence of the United States in postwar world politics was overwhelmingly predominant. As a result, postwar Chinese history might be reevaluated in a broader global postwar context. In addition, this article also tells the story about rent-seeking behaviors in the complicated US–China military relations during the early Cold War period at both micro and macro levels. When it came to US military assistance to China, the formulation of policy was perennially in the name of one's best interest.     

关于“华侨华人与国际关系”的再思考

复杂多变的国际政治生态不断地丰富和改变着＂华侨华人与国际关系＂的内涵,特别是国际关系思想的功利主义化和行政化进程,促使＂华侨华人与国际关系＂的内涵日益融入不同层次的公共政策之中。论文借用国际关系的层次分析法,从国际体系和民族国家两个层次对＂华侨华人与国际关系＂命题的内涵进行了学理性的建构,分析了华侨华人因素在当代国际关系结构中的属性,强调了设计华侨华人战略对中国外交和中国崛起的价值和意义,同时针对华侨华人未来国际化民族取向观发表了自己的看法,认为大多数华人不能也没有条件选择国际化,他们仍将生活在民族国家之中,只能选择追求平等公民政治权利的多元社会生活。     

甲午战争前后东亚海权与海防的较量及其影响

一场甲午战争,使东亚海权格局剧变,由此构成中日两国命运变化的历史拐点。战前,中日两国面对西方殖民扩张的相同遭遇,展开了近30年的海军现代化建设,并在互为敌手的竞争中日益凸显于以英国为主导的东亚海权格局之中。然而,不同的战略选择决定了不同的命运,甲午战争用血与火诠释了海权与海防的本质区别及其决定性影响。正因为战败后的中国已完全置身于东亚海权格局之外,再次陷入有海无防的境地,导致海权得以坐大的日本推行"大陆政策"更加有恃无恐,在列强瓜分中国的狂潮中走上独霸东亚之路。