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罗马的对外扩张是世界古代史中的重大历史事件之一。它对罗马乃至地中海世界历史的影响是深远的。对外扩张导致了帝国的形成 ,帝国的形成却为罗马历史的前进平添了沉重的历史包袱 ,但对罗马文化的形成与发展起了推动作用  相似文献   

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Frank Knopfelmacher: Intellectuals and Politics, Nelson's Australian Paperbacks, Melbourne, 1968, vii + 156 pp., $2.95.  相似文献   

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论罗马征服和统治意大利的政策   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
宫秀华 《史学集刊》2001,1(1):59-63
罗马从公元前5世纪中后期至公元前3世纪中期,对意大利半岛进行了全面的征服,由台伯河畔的一个蕞尔小国发展成为号令整个意大利半岛的霸主。罗马在征服过程中能够根据急剧变化的形势,及时调整统治政策,对被征服的各地区、各部族采取“分而治之”(divide et impera)的政策,即在被征服地区建立“同盟城市”、“殖民地”和“自治城市”等手段来缓解征服者与被征服者之问的矛盾,使其源源不断地为罗马的南征北战提供兵源与财力,为罗马顺利征服意大利半岛提供了坚实的物质基础。  相似文献   

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A tradition of imperial geographical fantasy fuses India and Australia. This paper discusses the strategic role these utopian proposals played in imperial erotics, in aiding the foundational ambition of empire, which is to connect. The proponents of these geographical hybrids (T.J. Maslen, W. Pickering and Thomas Livingston Mitchell) occupied very different positions in Greater Britain's colonial administration and the minority knowledges represented by their speculative overlays of India onto Australia circulated in very different cultural circles. The insider/outsider status of these ex-army, turned surveyors suggests a more complex ecology of alternative discourses circulating in the imperial imaginary: as proposals for future places, the schemes discussed in this article were fictions that aestheticized invasion, making it a metaphor for ultimate unity.  相似文献   

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《风景名胜》2010,(2):65-84
一个崛起于西部,最后消失在古丝绸之路上;一个豪强于东部,最后没落在太行山脚下;它们都曾在中国的历史上抹上浓厚一笔,却也随历史的年轮,只剩万古豪情,一抔黄土。  相似文献   

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In the last thirty years historians of republicanism have offered us the image of Harrington as the true hero of Machiavellism. This paper suggests instead that Harrington adopted Machiavelli's method in political science, but shared only few of his master's values, often referring to those cherished in anti-Machiavellian circles, as in the case of the agrarian laws. Indebted to the anti-Machiavellian Petrus Cunaeus's analysis of the Jewish Jubilee laws, Harrington transformed Cunaeus's specific observations into a general law of his own political science. This paper emphasizes the originality and modernity of such science, based on the inextricable interconnectedness between politics and economics. Further, it argues that this science entails a new, post-Machiavellian theory of liberty and property.  相似文献   

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The genesis of the first western kingdoms in early medieval Europe has often been framed as the consequence of barbarian invasions bringing down the Roman empire in its western provinces. This article considers a considerably more corrosive factor in the breakdown of western imperial structures, i.e. the warlordism of its own military personnel, via a case study of the Gothic aristocrat Sarus’ micro‐politics of mobility. This article will show that Sarus is one of the earliest attested cases of men willing to opt out of imperial service and use violence to reintegrate themselves later. Re‐examining the rapidly shifting political circumstances, it will demonstrate that Sarus was increasingly forced to move and take independent violent action, together with his men, in order to survive. This has major implications for a newly developing early medieval European phenomenon: the transformation of regular imperial commanders into irregular warlords.  相似文献   

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For a long time, the late period of the Habsburg Monarchy has been characterized as a battlefield of nation-building elites who employed historical scholarship (among other means) to promote nationalistic ideas. More recent studies, however, have examined and called attention to the powerful structures which held this monarchy together. In the age of historicism, the Habsburg Monarchy also needed a plausible historical narrative on which it could base claims of the legitimacy of its rule. This narrative was created first and foremost by Viennese historians. Yet there were historians in the Habsburg Monarchy’s regional centres who made significant contributions to the development of concepts of an imperial history, too. In this article, the author examines their efforts. Until around 1900, supranationalism and regionalism were the dominant concepts in the historical writings of the authors in the Military Frontier and Bukovina and also in the works of the renowned Prague historian Anton Gindely. Loyal to Vienna, some Hungarian historians reassessed national history in order to reconcile it with the imperial past. Transnational history was also a method of demonstrating the congruity of national and imperial interests. In the age of high nationalism, historians thus contributed to both national and imperial cohesion.  相似文献   

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