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1.
1926年,卡列斯总统颁布极端的反教权法令,墨西哥政教冲突激化,演变成一场内战——基督战争,而此时因石油问题陷入外交僵局的美墨关系,受其影响更加紧张,这一形势下,柯立芝总统任命德怀特·莫若出任驻墨大使,对这场战争进行有效调停。在莫若的周旋下,墨西哥政府、梵蒂冈教廷和墨西哥天主教三方最终达成妥协,成功缓解了墨西哥政教争端。莫若也因此享有极高的声望,其外交是美国外交的重要组成部分,对美国外交政策的转变产生重要影响。  相似文献   

2.
墨西哥移民在美国移民史上占有重要的地位,是当今美国最大的移民群体。作为一种历史现象,墨西哥人向美国较大规模的移民开始于20世纪初前后,概而观之,除20世纪30年代因大萧条而短暂中断外,墨西哥移民一直呈现出持续的高水平特征。墨西哥人移民美国的历程大致可以划分为四个阶段,与之对应的是四次移民浪潮:第一次浪潮从19世纪末20世纪初到1929年美国经济大萧条;第二次移民浪潮从1942年美墨双方签署《布拉塞洛计划55301964年该计划终结;第三次浪潮从1965年移民法颁布到20世纪80年代中期,此间大量墨西哥无证件移民流入美国;第四次浪潮从《1986年移民改革与控制法》颁布至今。墨西哥人移民美国源于一系列历史、地理、经济和社会因素,根植于美墨两国总体社会经济背景之下。  相似文献   

3.
朱适 《安徽史学》2011,(1):93-99
1917年墨西哥政府颁布了一部限制外国人在墨拥有财产的新宪法。此后不久德国外交部长阿瑟·齐默曼发电报给墨西哥领导人卡兰萨,提议双方建立同盟关系。为了更有效地控制全国,不久卡兰萨宣布没收英国在墨西哥的最大投资——铁路。这一系列举动严重激化了墨西哥与美国和英国的矛盾。1917-1918年,美英之间就如何处理与卡兰萨政府的关系问题产生了巨大分歧,但由于需要美国的帮助,英国政府最终作出了妥协。第一次世界大战的结束使英国失去了在墨西哥的影响力,从而进一步加强了美国对拉美地区的控制。  相似文献   

4.
墨西哥移民在美国移民史上占有重要的地位,是"-3今美国最大的移民群体.作为一种历史现象,墨西哥人向美国较大规模的移民开始于20世纪初前后,概而观之,除20世纪30年代因大萧条而短暂中断外,墨西哥移民一直呈现出持续的高水平特征.墨西哥人移民美国的历程大致可以划分为四个阶段,与之对应的是四次移民浪潮:第一次浪潮从19世纪末20世纪初到1929年美国经济大萧条;第二次移民浪潮从1942年美墨双方签署<布拉塞洛计划>到1964年该计划终结;第三次浪潮从1965年移民法颁布到20世纪80年代中期,此间大量墨西哥无证件移民流入美国;第四次浪潮从<1986年移民改革与控制法>颁布至今.墨西哥人移民美国源于一系列历史、地理、经济和社会因素,根植于关墨两国总体社会经济背景之下.  相似文献   

5.
刊中人     
美墨长城一天,美国边境巡逻人员在美国一侧的一个麦当劳外逮捕了墨西哥人卡斯特罗。再差半步,卡斯特罗就可跨进那个向往已久的麦当劳餐厅,成功进入美国了。美国边防警察每天会在  相似文献   

6.
李祥 《黑龙江史志》2014,(3):194-195
美朝关系是东北亚国际关系中最重要的一组双边关系。美朝关系的改善和发展,不仅直接影响朝鲜半岛的局势,而且对21世纪东北亚新秩序有着深刻的影响。东北亚六国合作组织或东北亚共同体、东北亚联盟是东北亚新秩序建立起来的标志。六方会谈使我们看到了东北亚新秩序的端倪。而美朝关系的发展决定着东北亚新秩序的建立。所以美朝两国应该不断改善关系,为朝鲜半岛和东北亚的和平与发展作出贡献。  相似文献   

7.
20 0 4年 8月 3日上午 ,墨西哥学院国际研究中心教授卡洛斯·阿尔瓦·贝加先生及夫人墨西哥国立自治大学社会所研究员洛伦萨·维加·莱维尔研究员应邀来我所做学术讲座 ,受到与会者的热烈欢迎。卡洛斯·阿尔瓦·贝加先生报告的题目是 :“美加墨自由贸易协定以后的墨西哥———回顾与展望”。作为墨西哥学院的资深研究员 ,贝加先生长期从事国际关系问题研究 ,有着深厚的学术功底。今年恰逢美加墨自由贸易协定生效 1 0周年 ,贝加先生概括总结了 1 0年期间墨西哥在政治、经济和社会方面发生的变化 ,就自由贸易协定对墨西哥的影响提出了精辟的见…  相似文献   

8.
论二战期间澳美军事同盟关系的建立   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
20世纪澳大利亚外交和防务政策演进的一个主要特点就是在保持与英国传统关系的同时,寻求美国对澳的安全保护.二战以前,由于受制于澳英隶属关系以及美国对外战略的价值取向,澳美关系难以取得突破性进展.第二次世界大战是对国际关系产生重要影响的事件,战争的特殊背景不仅使得澳美正式外交关系得以建立,而且因出于反击日本侵略的共同需要,两国结成战时军事同盟.澳美军队联合作战不仅扼制了日本的侵略气焰,而且建立了相互合作与信任的机制.这就为战后澳美同盟关系的缔结奠定了基础并提供了范式.  相似文献   

9.
论文结合墨西卡利华人出现的历史背景,重点就华人对墨西卡利早期开发的贡献及当地华人社会的兴起进行了论述,探讨了墨西卡利华人社会迅速衰落的原因,认为墨西卡利华人社会的迅速衰落,具有独特的时代背景和原因。一是它的边疆位置造成了美墨之间的争夺,使得华人的生存发展受到一定影响。二是在世界经济危机爆发的大背景下,依靠棉花出口的墨西卡利经济受到巨大影响,这一外部因素加剧了华人社会的衰落。三是墨西哥的土改政策,也波及到华人的处境。  相似文献   

10.
冯秀文 《百年潮》2011,(3):60-62
2007年,我应墨西哥学院的邀请,进行为期一年的学术访问。这是我第五次造访这个美丽的国家。故地重游,又看到许多共事多年的老朋友,心情格外高兴。时值中墨建交35周年,墨西哥首都墨西哥城和其他城市举行了一系列庆祝活动。来自中国的歌舞、戏剧等各种艺术团体,在剧院和广场举行了一场又一场精彩纪念演出,吸引了无数墨西哥人的眼球,使他们亲身感受到中国文化的深厚底蕴和丰富内涵,也感受到中墨建交后两国关系的迅速发展。  相似文献   

11.
This paper argues that since the completion of the NAFTA in the early 1990s, there has been too much focus on what governments in Ottawa, Washington, and Mexico City have or have not been doing to deepen North American integration. The NAFTA was an anomaly that obscures the larger history of incrementalism that has shaped North America's political economy. A focus on large, government-led integration projects like the NAFTA as a model for North American integration distracts from an examination of the many connections and processes taking place across borders every day. Security has become fully entrenched as a driving paradigm of North American relations. However, much of the activity in this domain and others is taking place at the bureaucratic, sub-state, and non-state levels rather than via active direction from national leadership. As scholars and analysts of North America, we would do well to move away from the NAFTA as a model for negotiating North America's future.  相似文献   

12.
This article offers a historical overview of the evolution of the relationship between Canada and Mexico, emphasizing its exiguity, its fundamental economic nature and the consequences of sharing borders with the United States. It is organized as follows: the first section covers the period going from the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1944 to the late 1960s, a period during which the bilateral relation failed to consolidate despite sporadic efforts; the second section deals with the period starting with the convergence of political visions in the two capitals in the early 1970s up to the period immediately preceding the starting of the negotiations leading to NAFTA. The period during which the most significant engagement between the two countries has taken place to the present is reviewed in the third section. The article concludes presenting some thoughts on the possibilities and limits of cooperation between the two countries.  相似文献   

13.
台湾问题是当前中美日三角关系中的一个重要议题,在很大程度上影响着中美日三角关系的发展。美日插手中国台湾问题,主要是出于两国战略利益和遏制中国的考虑。但事实上,这不利于中美日三角关系的健康发展,也有损于自己的利益。在中美日三角关系框架下,中国为解决台湾问题应采取的对策包括提高综合国力,发展中美、中日关系,坚持睦邻友好外交等。  相似文献   

14.
In the aftermath of the war of expansion against Mexico, the United States undertook a lengthy adjudication process of Spanish and Mexican property claims throughout the newly acquired territory. In New Mexico, nearly all Spanish and Mexican community land grants were either rejected by U.S. courts or were acquired by commercial interests during a period of intense land speculation. In addition to legal explanations of dispossession, most historical land grant research has emphasized the role of commercial speculators in the dispossession of land grants. The Santa Fe Ring, a loose affiliation of lawyers, politicians, federal and territorial officials and commercial investors, became a potent political and economic force in New Mexico during the 19th century. This article explores the adjudication and speculation histories of two Mexican property claims: the Petaca and Town of Vallecito de Lovato. The dearth of historical knowledge of the practices and tactics of land dispossession in specific New Mexico land grants continues to obscure the full story of U.S. territorial expansion and the history of the transformation in property relations. This article sheds new light on the extent and intensity of commercial speculation and the contribution of those efforts to undermine legitimate claims.  相似文献   

15.
东北亚地缘政治特点与中韩经贸合作趋势   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
黄平 《人文地理》1997,12(1):29-34
本文在简述亚太及东北亚地区战略格局的基础上,分析了东北亚地区的地缘政治的两个特点,探讨评价了中韩两国经贸合作的基础、原因,取得的成绩以及存在的不足,指出了两国今后经贸合作的趋势与方向。  相似文献   

16.
陶莹 《史学集刊》2008,26(1):84-89
纵观冷战期间印美关系的演变历史,非结盟却并不完全交恶的状态是主调.外交目标的分歧、印巴矛盾、经济援助以及印度国内背景等方面是影响两国关系的多重性因素,正是这些因素的此消彼长,形成了印美关系在友好与淡漠状态之间徘徊.  相似文献   

17.
Prior to Mexico's entry to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), predictions of the consequent impact on the environment in that country ranged from the dire to very optimistic. This article investigates NAFTA's outcomes in terms of energy use and the emission of atmospheric pollutants. Specifically, has entry into NAFTA led to a convergence or divergence in indicators of emissions, environmental efficiency, and emissions‐specific technology in Mexico, the United States, and Canada? A battery of tests is applied to these indicators for energy use and carbon, sulfur, and NOx emissions in the three countries. The results show that the extreme predictions of the outcomes of NAFTA have not materialized. Rather, trends that were already present before the introduction of NAFTA continue and, in some cases, improve post‐NAFTA, but not yet in a dramatic way. There is strong evidence of convergence across the three countries toward a lower intensity of energy use and emissions per unit of GDP. Although intensity is rising initially for some variables in Mexico, it eventually begins to fall post‐NAFTA. Per capita emissions of sulfur and NOx also show convergence, but this is not the case for energy and carbon, and the latter variables also drift moderately upwards. The state of technology in energy efficiency and sulfur abatement is improving in all countries, although there is little, if any, sign of convergence and NAFTA has no effect on the rate of technology diffusion. However, total energy use and carbon emissions increase both pre‐ and post‐NAFTA and total NOx emissions increase in Mexico. Only total sulfur emissions are stable and falling in all three NAFTA partners.  相似文献   

18.
ABSTRACT We examine the impact of the political trade‐off between rural economic development and environmental quality on the determination of environmental regulations in the U.S. intensive livestock industry. The political economy model, adapted from Fredriksson (1997) , is tested empirically, using state‐level data on environmental regulation of the U.S. livestock sector. We find that state governments respond to greater potential for water pollution with more stringent environmental regulations. Consistent with our political economy model, we also find that states with lower recent growth in per capita income implement less stringent environmental regulations.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

Foreign policies of landlocked states have been a topic of interest for scholarship on international relations but the landlocked states in South Asia have received negligible attention. Due to their geographical realities, South Asian landlocked states that include Afghanistan, Bhutan and Nepal, depend on their neighbours for trade with the outside world. A range of factors place landlocked states in an unequal relationship with their coastal neighbours. While these factors include the superiority of coastal neighbours in terms of economy, population size, and military strength, we argue that their landlockedness plays a crucial role. To further investigate the role of landlockedness, this study compares the foreign policy decisions that guide India-Nepal and Afghanistan–Pakistan relations. Based on the assessment of historical, economic and geopolitical factors, we argue that India and Pakistan exploit their landlocked neighbours to achieve their national interests. Frustrated by the treatment of their coastal neighbours and the presence of new trade opportunities have compelled Afghanistan to use its closeness with India to counter over-dependence on Pakistan and Nepal has enhanced cooperation with China to overcome its reliance on India, thereby creating a new geopolitical dynamic within South Asia.  相似文献   

20.
The inclusion of energy in the Free Trade Agreement (fta) illustrates perhaps better than any other provision in the agreement that the basic objective of this treaty was not the elimination of tariffs between Canada and the U.S.A. but the creation of a new economic order for Canada, which would limit the power of the nation-state to intervene in the economy. By the time the FTA came into effect at the beginning of 1989, Canada and the U.S.A. had already established virtually a free-trade relationship in energy commodities. The previously existing National Energy Program had been dismantled by the federal Conservative government by June of 1985 and this was followed by a process of thoroughgoing deregulation in all spheres of energy under federal jurisdiction. With the coming into force of the FTA, the newly deregulated Canadian energy economy became an irrevocable and permanent feature of Canada's energy relations with the United States.  相似文献   

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